China's view of the ongoing war in Ukraine has transcended the boundaries of a traditional geopolitical crisis, transforming into a rare strategic opportunity to extract field lessons. Through observing this conflict, Beijing seeks to address the clear lack of combat experience in its army, which has not participated in large-scale conflicts for many decades.

International media sources reported that Beijing now views the Ukrainian arena as a practical laboratory for studying modern combat methods. This includes analyzing field tactics and advanced military technologies that have proven effective or failed in actual and ongoing combat conditions.

Since early 2024, Russia has begun implementing specialized training programs for elements of the Chinese army, primarily focusing on drone operation. These trainings aim to transfer experiences gained from confronting Western technologies in highly complex geographical and electronic environments.

Chinese military experts are focusing on studying a wide range of technologies that have emerged in the war, especially offensive and reconnaissance drones. Chinese interests also include developing jamming and electronic warfare technologies to counter the potential technological superiority of adversaries in any future conflict.

Particular interest has emerged in fiber-optic guided drones, a technology aimed at effectively reducing the impact of hostile jamming systems. Beijing also seeks to integrate artificial intelligence into managing complex military operations and organizing the battlefield based on data derived from the Ukrainian fronts.

Joint military exercises between China and Russia have seen significant development recently, now including simulations of confronting swarms of drones. These exercises also focused on enhancing integrated air defense capabilities and conducting advanced naval operations involving attack submarines.

Military cooperation between the two countries is not limited to tactical field aspects but extends to exchanging expertise in highly sensitive technical areas. Among these areas are noise reduction technologies in nuclear submarines, which gives Beijing a strategic advantage in underwater stealth.

The technical partnership also includes the development of long-range air defense systems and early warning capabilities against missile attacks. This type of cooperation provides China with a golden opportunity to develop its defensive capabilities by benefiting from direct Russian experience in managing a large-scale war of attrition.

Observers believe that these moves enhance the Chinese army's readiness to deal with unconventional combat patterns that future wars may impose. Beijing considers that good preparation requires understanding all technological changes that have occurred in military doctrines over the past two years.

The issue of Taiwan remains strongly present in Chinese calculations when analyzing the results of the war in Ukraine and how to counter external interventions. Serious questions arise about the extent to which this acquired experience can be utilized in any potential confrontation in the Taiwan Strait, despite the absence of any official decision for military action.

Ultimately, Beijing no longer sees the Ukrainian war as merely a regional conflict far from its borders and direct interests. Instead, this war has become a primary source of lessons that may reshape Chinese military strategy and combat readiness in the coming years.

For China, the war in Ukraine has transformed from a geopolitical crisis into an opportunity to extract military lessons and bridge the gap in combat experience.

The National Salvation Front in Tunisia expressed widespread concern regarding what it described as conflicting reports related to the health status of the head of the Ennahda Movement, Rached Ghannouchi, and the head of the Front, Ahmed Najib Chebbi. In an official statement issued on Sunday evening, the Front demanded that the Tunisian authorities issue an urgent clarification to end the confusion surrounding the safety of political detainees.

The Front indicated that the absence of official transparency and the continued prevention of Ghannouchi's family and legal team from visiting him have exacerbated fears and led to the alarming spread of rumors. It considered that this blackout places the authorities under direct legal and ethical responsibility for the lives of the detainees who are suffering from difficult detention conditions.

Opposition forces held the Tunisian authorities fully responsible for any repercussions that might affect the health of the detainees, stressing that restricting visits constitutes a blatant violation of human rights. It called for enabling families and lawyers to exercise their legal right to check on their loved ones without any further delay.

In a related context, the Ennahda Movement reiterated its warnings of a severe and dangerous deterioration in the health of its leader, Rached Ghannouchi, noting that information has been received indicating a decline in his vital signs inside prison. The movement stressed the need to provide him with the necessary and immediate medical care, warning against the consequences of concealing his current health status.

Reports had indicated that Ghannouchi suffered a fainting spell inside his cell in Mornaguia prison due to the severe heatwave that has recently hit the country. Legal sources confirmed that this incident occurred last Friday, which sparked a wave of condemnation and demands for the need to improve detention conditions, especially for the elderly.

For her part, lawyer Haifa Chebbi conveyed testimonies about the difficult conditions inside the prison, especially for her 82-year-old father, Ahmed Najib Chebbi. She explained that the harsh climatic conditions increase the suffering of political detainees who face what they describe as malicious charges, demanding their immediate release for health and humanitarian reasons.

On the international level, Amnesty International entered the crisis, calling on the Tunisian authorities to take urgent measures to protect prisoners from high heatwaves. The organization specifically mentioned people with chronic diseases and disabilities, stressing that the state is obligated to provide a detention environment that respects human dignity.

Despite these pressures, no official comment has yet been issued by the Ministry of Justice or the Prisons Administration regarding the specific health status of Ghannouchi and Chebbi. Official sources usually content themselves with affirming their commitment to international standards and human rights within prison institutions, without addressing the details of controversial individual cases.

The National Salvation Front concludes its demands by calling on national and international human rights organizations to closely monitor the file of political detainees in Tunisia. Opposition political forces affirm their adherence to the demand for the comprehensive release of all detainees on the background of their political activity, considering that their continued detention represents an obstacle to any future political stability.

The continued prevention of Ghannouchi's family and his defense team from visiting him and checking on his condition has contributed to increasing ambiguity and the spread of rumors.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi announced that his country will not overlook the attack carried out by Ukrainian forces targeting an Iranian commercial ship in the waters of the Caspian Sea. Araghchi clarified that this aggression resulted in a violent explosion that led to the death of one crew member and the injury of another, emphasizing that Tehran reserves the right to respond to this violation that affected its commercial and navigational interests.

Within the framework of diplomatic moves, the Iranian minister revealed via the (X) platform that he held extensive contacts with the European Union's foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, and his Russian counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, to inform them of the developments. Sources indicated that Araghchi considered the attack a clear violation of the United Nations Charter, warning of the repercussions of continuing such military operations targeting civilian targets in areas far from the traditional theater of operations.

For his part, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov expressed his condolences to Iran for the victim of the attack, praising the coordination between the two countries in providing assistance to the affected crew through local authorities in the Russian Astrakhan region. In a related context, previous reports had indicated that Ukrainian intelligence used long-range drones to target what it described as ships transporting military shipments, which Tehran completely denies, affirming its non-interference in the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine.

The Ukrainian attack on an Iranian commercial ship cannot go unanswered, and the international community must put an end to the adventures of the Kyiv regime.

The Israeli mini-cabinet for political and security affairs (the Cabinet) approved a plan to introduce the so-called 'Peace Council' and the multinational force (ISF) into the Gaza Strip. This step includes the immediate commencement of construction of the first military site designated for these forces in an area near the city of Rafah, south of the Strip, in a field development that reflects the features of the next phase that the occupation seeks to impose.

The Cabinet meeting witnessed a sharp division in ministers' opinions, with National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir expressing strong opposition to the decision, reiterating his extremist calls for the necessity of 'encouraging voluntary emigration' of Palestinians instead of bringing in international forces. In contrast, the decision was supported by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, while Minister Gideon Sa'ar defended the move, considering it part of a broader international strategy that Israel's interest is not served by thwarting it at the present time.

On the Palestinian side, this news was met with categorical rejection from various forces and factions, which affirmed that any attempt to impose external guardianship over the Gaza Strip would be met with rejection. Palestinian sources stressed that the administration of the Strip's affairs is a sovereign right of Palestinians alone, warning against turning international forces into a tool to entrench the occupation or legitimize its presence under different pretexts.

The national forces clarified that the top priority at this stage is a comprehensive cessation of aggression, the withdrawal of occupation forces from all areas of the Strip, and the opening of crossings for reconstruction. They also indicated that any international presence, if agreed upon, must be temporary and limited to tasks of protecting civilians and stabilizing the calm, leading to a clear political path that guarantees the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

The administration of the Gaza Strip is a purely internal Palestinian affair, and any international presence must be limited to protecting civilians and stabilizing the ceasefire.

In his first appearance of its kind, US President Donald Trump participated in the White House Correspondents' Association dinner held at the 'Waldorf Astoria' hotel in Washington D.C. This participation came after years of boycott that Trump adopted towards this annual event during his first presidential term, returning to it amidst an atmosphere charged with security and political anticipation.

Trump began his speech, which lasted for more than an hour, with a sarcastic tone, attempting to balance the traditional celebratory atmosphere of press freedom with his usual attacks on media institutions. He affirmed at the beginning of his speech that he believes in freedom of expression more than anyone else, before adding sarcastic remarks that elicited varied reactions from the attending journalists and politicians.

The event, which was scheduled to be held last April, was postponed and reorganized following a failed assassination attempt on Trump at the time, where a gunman opened fire at a security checkpoint. That incident cast a shadow over the security measures for the current event, which saw a large mobilization of the Secret Service and the National Guard to ensure the safety of participants.

Nor was the US President's speech devoid of sharp political messages, as he used the platform to renew his attack on his opponents in the Democratic Party. His sarcastic language towards Senator Chuck Schumer was notable, as he described him as a 'Palestinian,' a jocular reference reflecting the nature of internal political conflicts surrounding Middle East issues.

Trump also continued his escalation against Representative Ilhan Omar, renewing his controversial calls for her expulsion from the United States, which observers considered a continuation of his confrontational electoral approach. The President also touched on foreign policy issues, unexpectedly announcing an upcoming visit by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Washington in the next few days.

In a gesture that sparked much debate about his future political ambitions, Trump appeared wearing a hat with the 'Trump 2028' logo. He joked with the attendees about the possibility of running for a fourth term, thereby exceeding traditional constitutional restrictions, which his opponents considered a worrying sign, while his supporters saw it as merely a joke consistent with the sarcastic nature of the event.

Regarding his relationship with the media, Trump described traditional media outlets as 'fake,' claiming they would face inevitable bankruptcy in his absence from the political scene. He indicated that he now possesses powerful alternative platforms, claiming to be the most influential figure on 'TikTok,' which, according to him, makes him independent of classical journalistic coverage.

The event included moments of self-deprecating humor, as Trump admitted to personal weight issues after mocking the weights of some attendees and opponents. He also publicly criticized his speechwriters when some of his jokes did not resonate widely, describing parts of his speech as 'stupid' in an attempt to break the stiffness that prevailed in the hall at certain moments.

The evening also featured a humanitarian and honorary aspect, as Secret Service officer Victor Gonzalez, who was shot during the assassination attempt last April, was honored. The association credited Gonzalez with thwarting the attack and protecting the President, and employees of the 'Washington Hilton' hotel who assisted guests during the incident were also honored.

For her part, the President of the White House Correspondents' Association, Weijia Jiang, stated that holding the event despite previous security threats confirms that 'violence will not have the last word.' She explained that the primary goal of the dinner remains to support scholarships for young journalists and to celebrate the First Amendment to the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of the press.

Despite the celebratory atmosphere, hundreds of journalists and human rights organizations signed a letter demanding that the association take a firmer stance against what they described as Trump's continuous attacks on press freedom. The signatories criticized the lawsuits filed by the administration against media institutions and the restrictions imposed on some reporters' access to official information.

Trump concluded his participation by confirming his intention to attend next year, describing the experience as 'interesting' despite being 'worse than he imagined,' as he sarcastically put it. The President left the hall amidst tight security measures, leaving behind a wave of analyses about the implications of his return to this forum and the impact of his statements on the upcoming political scene.

I hope you all know that I believe in freedom of the press more than anyone in this room... maybe not entirely.

Medical sources in the Gaza Strip announced a new toll of victims of the ongoing aggression since Saturday morning, with 6 martyrs and more than 20 citizens sustaining injuries of varying severity. These injuries resulted from a series of airstrikes and artillery shelling that targeted various areas of the Strip, raising the level of field tension and increasing the suffering of the besieged population.

In the context of field developments in the southern Strip, local sources confirmed the martyrdom of two citizens and the injury of others due to an attack carried out by an occupation drone in Khan Yunis city. These attacks come as part of a wide-ranging military escalation that includes intensive ground and air operations, causing widespread destruction to infrastructure and densely populated residential areas.

For its part, the Ministry of Interior in Gaza issued an urgent appeal to the international community and mediating countries, calling for the necessity of exerting real pressure on the occupation authorities to stop targeting the cadres and headquarters of the civilian police force. The ministry indicated that deliberately striking the civilian security system aims to spread chaos and disrupt the organizational efforts made by the specialized agencies to serve citizens in these harsh circumstances.

The ministry stressed that the continued targeting of police elements directly affects the provision of humanitarian aid and ensuring its delivery to those in need, exacerbating the living and security crisis. Official bodies warned that the absence of police organization would lead to catastrophic consequences for civil peace and the ability to manage daily life affairs amidst the ongoing military operations.

Targeting the police system leads to disruption of humanitarian and organizational services provided to citizens under difficult field conditions.

Hani Al-Masri, Director General of the Palestinian Center for Research, Policies and Strategic Studies, affirmed that the escalation of settler attacks witnessed in the West Bank is not merely random or isolated incidents. Al-Masri explained that these practices come within the framework of an organized Israeli policy that directly aims to restrict the Palestinian presence and attempt to confine the population to narrow and disconnected geographical enclaves.

Al-Masri pointed out in press statements that these attacks are carried out under full cover and direct protection from the occupation army, and with clear political support from the current Israeli government. He considered that this harmony between settlers and the military establishment reflects a government plan aimed at changing the demographic and geographical reality in the occupied territories, which increases the daily suffering of citizens.

The strategic analyst revealed shocking figures related to the extent of violations, as more than 11,000 attacks were recorded in various areas of the West Bank since the beginning of this year, in addition to hundreds of attacks that occurred since the beginning of this month. He explained that these attacks caused the displacement of thousands of Palestinians from their lands, as well as the destruction of vast areas of agricultural fields and the uprooting of fruit trees.

Al-Masri linked this field escalation to internal political calculations in Israel, specifically with the approaching date of the next elections. He believed that the right-wing government seeks to intensify its repressive measures in the West Bank and Gaza Strip to enhance its popularity and political standing among Israeli voters, which makes the probabilities of continued violence very high during the next phase.

In conclusion of his analysis, Al-Masri stressed that the only option available to Palestinians to confront these challenges is to strengthen popular steadfastness and organize internal ranks to confront displacement plans. He noted that any potential change in the composition of the occupation government may lead to a temporary alleviation of the intensity of the escalation, but it will not change the fixed Israeli political doctrine that categorically rejects the principle of establishing an independent Palestinian state.

The attacks witnessed in the West Bank are no longer isolated incidents, but rather come within an organized policy aimed at restricting Palestinians and pushing them into isolated areas.

Israeli settlement in the occupied Palestinian territories is one of the most prominent challenges facing international law and the prospects for achieving peace in the region. Despite declared European positions affirming the illegality of settlements and rejecting settlement expansion, the gap between political rhetoric and practical measures remains wide, making the European stance vulnerable to criticism and questioning its effectiveness. For many years, the European Union and its member states have reiterated that settlements established in the territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, violate international law and constitute a major obstacle to the two-state solution. In recent years, numerous European statements have condemned settlement expansion and called for its cessation, in addition to imposing limited sanctions on some settlers involved in acts of violence against Palestinians. Despite these positions, the reality on the ground is moving in a completely different direction. Settlement expansion has continued at an accelerated pace, with the establishment of new settlement outposts and the expansion of existing ones, in addition to the construction of more bypass and military roads and the confiscation of additional areas of Palestinian land, especially in Area C of the West Bank. This highlights the essence of the European contradiction; while settlements are politically condemned, economic, trade, and technological relations between Europe and Israel largely continue normally. It is true that some European countries have taken steps to restrict dealings with settlement products, but these measures are still limited and have not risen to the level of real pressure capable of influencing Israeli policies. This limitation is due to multiple factors, including shared economic and strategic interests, the historical European legacy associated with the Holocaust and anti-Semitism, in addition to divisions within the European Union regarding the nature of dealing with Israel, as well as the continuous American influence in managing the conflict. In contrast, Israel continues to defend settlement as a historical and security right, while Palestinians and most of the international community see it as a form of gradual annexation of Palestinian lands and undermining the possibility of establishing an independent and viable Palestinian state. Past years have proven that political condemnations alone have not stopped settlement expansion, nor have they prevented land confiscation or repeated attacks by settlers. Therefore, the credibility of the European position will not be measured by the number of statements issued, but by its ability to move from the stage of declarations to the stage of effective measures that compel Israel to respect international law. If Europe sees settlement as a real threat to peace, then what is required of it is to take bolder and clearer positions towards the official policies that support it, otherwise its harsh rhetoric will remain mere words that change nothing in a reality that changes daily on Palestinian land.

Abdullah Abu Rahma: The current government is investing its remaining time before the Israeli elections to intensify settlement expansion and control over land amidst competition among right-wing parties. Khalil Tafakji: The approaching elections and the Likud party's decline in opinion polls are pushing Netanyahu to strengthen rhetoric and policies supporting settlement, given the consensus on it. Fayez Abbas: The election campaign period is expected to witness an additional escalation in these attacks on Palestinian villages and towns, as they enjoy popular support within Israel. Dr. Suhail Diab: Netanyahu seeks to exploit these developments by presenting the upcoming elections as a confrontation between those who reject the establishment of a Palestinian state and those accused of seeking it. Numan Tawfiq Al-Abed: The continuation of these policies may lead to a widespread explosion and perhaps a new intifada of a different nature, with the widening scope of friction between settlers and Palestinians. Dr. Tamara Haddad: The escalation of attacks by the occupation and its settlers is not only linked to electoral calculations but is consistent with a strategic settlement project aimed at annexing the West Bank. Ramallah - Exclusive to "Al-Quds" - The pace of settler attacks in the West Bank is accelerating in parallel with the approaching Israeli Knesset elections, amidst warnings that the field escalation reflects the fierce competition within the right-wing camp to win voters' support by adopting more hardline policies towards Palestinians. Specialists, experts, officials in settlement resistance, writers, political analysts, and experts in Israeli affairs, in separate interviews with "Al-Quds", view the increasing attacks on Palestinian villages, the latest of which was in the village of Tal southwest of Nablus, leading to the martyrdom of four citizens and the killing of two Israeli soldiers, and continuous settlement expansion, and imposing new realities on the ground, as a scene that transcends the security dimension to become part of an electoral battle waged at the expense of Palestinian blood, with right-wing parties seeking to present themselves as the most capable of expanding settlements and thwarting any future political path. Despite acknowledging that what is happening is being exploited in the electoral context, they agree that what is happening cannot be reduced to mere election propaganda, but rather falls within a long-term strategic project aimed at changing the geographical and demographic reality in the West Bank, through intensifying settlement, linking settlement outposts, weakening the Palestinian presence, and imposing control over the largest possible area of land. However, the approaching elections give this project additional momentum, amidst a race among right-wing parties to prove their hardline stance, and exploit the field escalation to strengthen their electoral presence. They warn that the continuation of attacks on Palestinian villages, along with tightened military measures, may push the situation towards a more dangerous stage, with the increasing possibility of an explosion in the West Bank, calling for more effective Palestinian and international action to stop settlement policies and provide protection for civilians, amidst fears that the Israeli electoral competition will become a factor driving further violence, settlement expansion, and the imposition of realities that will be difficult to change in the future. A very dangerous development. The acting deputy head of the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission, Abdullah Abu Rahma, confirms that what happened in the village of Tal southwest of Nablus and the neighboring villages and towns represents a very dangerous development, and reflects the settlers' transition to a new stage in implementing their plans, based on directly targeting Palestinian villages, after the focus in recent years was on Bedouin communities and small Palestinian communities scattered throughout the West Bank. Abu Rahma explains that the recent attacks indicate that the current stage targets Palestinian villages themselves, by storming them, taking control of homes, and expelling citizens from them, coinciding with an unprecedented escalation in the level of violence. Abu Rahma confirms that attacks previously focused more on Palestinian property, by targeting agricultural lands, trees, livestock farms, industrial facilities, vehicles, and homes, but the current reading shows an acceleration in the implementation of the plan, so that it now directly targets Palestinians, reflecting a transition to a stage of killing and liquidating citizens. Creating an expelling environment for Palestinians. Abu Rahma believes that these settlement groups are proceeding with their program to achieve a goal of creating an expelling environment for Palestinians and forcing them to leave, stressing that this is happening in parallel with Israeli army measures, through closing roads, imposing sieges, and carrying out arrests against citizens who try to defend themselves, in addition to imposing fines on them, considering that these measures constitute an integrated system between the army and settlers and what the government and Knesset approve of laws, thus providing cover for the continuation of violence against Palestinians. Elections contribute to strengthening the settlement path. Abu Rahma believes that what is happening is not directly related to Israeli election propaganda, although elections contribute to strengthening this path, explaining that the plan was prepared years ago, and went through stages that began with writing slogans on Palestinian property, then attacking property, leading to the killing of Palestinians. Abu Rahma confirms that the current government is investing its remaining time before the upcoming Israeli elections to intensify settlement expansion and control over land, amidst competition among right-wing parties, foremost among them the parties of Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, in addition to the Likud party. Consistency with the decisive plan. Abu Rahma indicates that these policies are consistent with what Smotrich proposed in 2017 under the name "The Decisive Plan," which he said is based on displacing Palestinians and forcing them to leave, explaining that targeting and besieging villages aims to push residents to move from their outskirts to their centers, then to cities, in preparation for emigration outside Palestine. Abu Rahma believes that the implementation of these plans will not be easy, because Palestinians will defend their existence, as what happened in Tal warns of the possibility of an explosion of the situation, given the citizens' insistence on resisting these policies and thwarting their goals. Replacement and emptying policy. The expert in settlement affairs, Dr. Khalil Tafakji, confirms that what the West Bank is witnessing, especially the village of Tal and its surrounding villages, falls within an Israeli policy based on "replacement and emptying," and aims to empty the areas that Israel seeks to annex of their Palestinian residents, thus allowing control over the largest possible area of land with the fewest number of residents. Tafakji explains that the villages of Tal, Al-Mughayyir, Turmus Ayya, Al-Lubban Al-Sharqiya, and Al-Sawiya are located opposite a large settlement bloc extending from the Kafr Qasim area towards the Jordan Valley, which makes them a direct target for pressure policies and attacks. Tafakji confirms that the attacks carried out by settlers in these areas cannot be separated from long-term Israeli goals, considering that settlers represent the executive tool of the Israeli government in achieving the annexation project without direct intervention from it, by pushing Palestinians to leave their villages and lands. Transition towards targeting villages. Tafakji indicates that what is happening today resembles what happened previously in the Jordan Valley, where Bedouin communities were subjected to displacement operations, considering that the same policy has now moved to Palestinian villages adjacent to large settlement blocs, pointing out the existence of settlements such as "Bracha," "Yitzhar," and "Kedumim" within this settlement extension. Tafakji explains that demographic shifts in the number of settlers have reinforced this trend, explaining that at the signing of the Oslo Accords, the number of settlers in the West Bank, excluding Jerusalem, was approximately 115,000, while today it is about 520,000 settlers, which has given the settlement movement greater weight in imposing its vision that considers the West Bank part of the "Hebrew state" and the "Promised Land," and is based on a strict religious doctrine. Netanyahu and electoral exploitation of what is happening. Tafakji links the escalation of attacks with the Israeli political scene, considering that the approaching elections and the decline of the Likud party in opinion polls are pushing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to strengthen rhetoric and policies supporting settlement, given an Israeli consensus on settlement and Jerusalem, citing the incursions into Al-Aqsa Mosque and the ongoing developments in the West Bank. Tafakji believes that the ultimate goal is to impose a fait accompli before any potential international pressure related to the establishment of a Palestinian state, stressing that Israel does not recognize this option, but rather views the area between the river and the sea as one state. Fears of expanding attacks. Tafakji describes what is happening in the West Bank as an "ethnic cleansing operation," indicating that its implementation is carried out by ideological settlers, including groups of "hilltop youth" and extremist right-wing currents, supported by weapons. He explains that settler attacks are not limited to the village of Tal, but extend to other villages in the West Bank, and are expected to later affect other villages near the Green Line, considering that continued American support for Israel and the absence of effective international pressure contribute to the continuation of these policies on the ground. Official Israeli policy. The writer specializing in Israeli affairs, Fayez Abbas, believes that what the village of Tal southwest of Nablus and neighboring villages witnessed in terms of settler incursions and attacks falls within an official Israeli policy being implemented in the West Bank for about four years, coinciding with the assumption of responsibility for managing the occupied West Bank by political, security, and military figures from the Israeli right. According to Abbas, these leaders have given the "green light" to settlers to carry out attacks including killing, burning, bulldozing, and displacing Palestinians from their homes and lands, stressing that what happened in Tal represents a practical continuation of this policy. Imposing new realities on the ground. Abbas confirms that the ruling settlement right in Israel seeks to intensify its activity in the West Bank with the aim of imposing new realities on the ground, by expanding field control, dissecting the West Bank, and transforming it into isolated cantons, which leads to suffocating Palestinian citizens and strengthening Israeli control. Electoral escalation with blood. Abbas indicates that this trend is also linked to the political reality within Israel, explaining that opinion polls indicate the possibility of the right losing the upcoming elections and not returning to power, which pushes it to accelerate the implementation of its current policies before any potential government change. He believes that any new government may try to reduce these practices, but Abbas rules out their complete cessation, considering that the continued control of security leaders belonging to the fascist right, many of whom are settlers, will keep this policy in place. Abbas expects that the Israeli election campaign period will witness an additional escalation in these attacks on Palestinian villages and towns, as they enjoy popular support within Israel. A clear imbalance of power. The professor of political science and specialist in Israeli affairs, Dr. Suhail Diab, believes that what the village of Tal and neighboring villages witnessed on Friday, in terms of attacks and violations, reflects an extended situation in the West Bank, represented by a clear imbalance of power between the Palestinian people on the one hand, and the Israeli government, settlers, and right-wing currents on the other. Diab considers that what happened represents an expression of a long-term strategy aimed at subjugating Palestinians and liquidating the Palestinian issue geographically and demographically, rather than being an isolated event. "Tal" and self-defense. Diab confirms that the recent settler attacks are not an exception, but rather an extension of a daily reality witnessed in the West Bank, citing UN reports indicating more than 1900 attacks carried out by settlers against Palestinians, and the evacuation of more than 118 residential communities and inhabited areas during the last three years, in addition to the establishment of 104 new settlements and 189 new settlement outposts, considering that these indicators reflect the magnitude of the transformation taking place on the ground. Diab confirms that what distinguished the events of the village of Tal this time is that Palestinian citizens did not content themselves with receiving the attacks, but rather tried to defend themselves, considering that this reflects the magnitude of the pressures faced by Palestinian villages, given the unequal capabilities between Palestinians and the occupation and "settler militias," in addition to the absence of an effective role for the international community, the continued Arab and Islamic silence, and the lack of a comprehensive Palestinian national project that strengthens the steadfastness of citizens and farmers on their lands. The need for a broader political vision. Diab believes that confronting this reality requires a broader political vision than merely describing violations, based on formulating a comprehensive Palestinian national project that supports the Palestinian presence on the ground, in parallel with effective international action that puts an end to the occupation's savagery, including demanding the dispatch of a UN force to provide protection for Palestinian citizens in the West Bank. Diab believes that the ongoing attacks are not directly related to the Israeli election campaign, but rather stem primarily from a strategic vision adopted by the Israeli government and settlers to change the geographical and demographic reality, considering that elections represent a factor for political gain from these developments, not their primary motive. Electoral exploitation of developments. Diab explains that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu seeks to exploit these developments electorally by presenting the upcoming elections as a confrontation between those who reject the establishment of a Palestinian state and those accused of seeking it, while the right-wing arena is witnessing a parallel competition between the Likud party and both Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich to attract far-right votes, which is reflected in the escalation of policies in the West Bank. Diab indicates that this escalation may not necessarily achieve electoral gains for Netanyahu, warning that the widening Palestinian, Arab, and Islamic reactions, and the possibility of an explosion of the situation in the West Bank and the outbreak of a new intifada before the elections, may overturn the equation and limit the ability of any party to exploit these events electorally. Settlement decisiveness. The writer, political researcher, and specialist in international relations, Numan Tawfiq Al-Abed, confirms that what settlers are carrying out in the West Bank, and the accompanying settlement expansion, falls within the implementation of Smotrich's "Decisive Plan," considering that the occupation government has directly approved it and is working to implement it on the ground by controlling the largest possible area of West Bank lands and establishing a new settlement reality. Al-Abed explains that the plan is based on several axes, most notably "settlement decisiveness," through seizing Palestinian lands using various pretexts, including state lands, pastoral settlement, military outposts, and expanding existing settlements, which leads to an increase in the number of settlers at the expense of the original landowners, and a reduction in the areas available to Palestinians, in addition to establishing bypass roads and buffer zones, and creating a settlement presence within Palestinian neighborhoods with the aim of presenting it as normal and permanent. Organized attacks. Al-Abed indicates that settlers, according to this vision, play an organized role that includes restricting Palestinians, carrying out attacks against residents, and expanding settlements, stressing that this is happening after they are armed by the Israeli government, and provided with legal and political cover, in addition to the field protection provided by the occupation army, and even its participation in some of these practices. Al-Abed considers that what is happening is not reactions or individual actions, but rather the implementation of a clear government plan. Al-Abed links the escalation of these policies with the upcoming Israeli elections, explaining that the Palestinian issue constitutes one of the most prominent tools of election propaganda for right-wing parties, especially extremist religious parties, which seek to attract Israeli voters by adopting more hardline positions. Race against time to resolve the conflict. Al-Abed believes that the current Israeli government is racing against time before the elections scheduled for the end of October to implement its vision regarding "resolving the conflict" and imposing new realities on the ground. Al-Abed indicates that this policy is not limited to the West Bank, but also includes East Jerusalem, by restricting Palestinian residents, seizing homes, preventing construction, and linking settlements surrounding the city, which is consistent with Smotrich's statements regarding expanding the municipal boundaries of Jerusalem and preventing the establishment of a Palestinian state. He believes that these policies present Palestinians with three options: accepting to live without political or sovereign rights and contenting themselves with limited civil and economic rights, or emigrating due to tightening living conditions, or confronting military force if these policies are rejected, considering that attacks on homes, mosques, and lands fall within this framework. He confirms that the continued implementation of this plan is based on the Palestinian weakness, regional preoccupation, and American support for Israel, calling for unified Palestinian action, and Arab action through the League of Arab States, in addition to international efforts from the Security Council and European countries to pressure the American administration to stop these policies. Al-Abed warns that the continuation of these policies may lead to a widespread explosion in the West Bank, and perhaps a new intifada of a different nature, with the widening scope of direct friction between settlers and Palestinians. An additional link in the chain of organized violence. The writer and political researcher, Dr. Tamara Haddad, confirms that the attacks carried out by settlers in the village of Tal southwest of Nablus, along with attacks targeting other neighboring villages and towns and in other parts of the West Bank, represent an additional link in a escalating chain of organized violence in the West Bank, but they differ in terms of timing, size, and the nature of the political and field messages they carry. Haddad explains that what happened goes beyond being friction between settlers and Palestinians, to reflect a policy aimed at imposing new realities on the ground through the use of violence to reshape the geography and demography in the West Bank. Integration of roles. Haddad indicates that the targeting of Palestinians and their property coincides with tightened Israeli military measures, which reflects an integration of roles between settlers and the Israeli army, as settlers often move under the protection of the army and in the absence of any intervention to stop their attacks, which reinforces the impression that these attacks are not individual acts, but rather part of a broader strategy to increase pressure on Palestinians and push them to leave their areas. Elections and showing greater toughness against the West Bank. Haddad stresses that the escalation of these attacks comes amidst fierce competition among leaders of right-wing parties in Israel to show greater toughness towards the West Bank, explaining that the West Bank has become one of the most important arenas of political competition, where each party seeks to present itself as the most capable of expanding settlements, tightening security control, and imposing Israeli sovereignty over the largest possible area of Palestinian lands. A strategic settlement project targeting the West Bank. Haddad believes that this escalation is not only linked to electoral calculations, but is consistent with a strategic settlement project aimed at annexing the West Bank, noting that the approaching political deadlines or increasing pressure on the government are usually accompanied by an escalation of right-wing rhetoric and field measures. Haddad confirms that reducing what is happening to an election campaign is not enough, because the current attacks are consistent with a broader project based on expanding settlements, linking settlement outposts, and weakening the Palestinian presence in areas classified (B) and (C), leading to the creation of a reality that makes any future political settlement more difficult. Preparing public opinion to adopt harsher policies. Haddad believes that the statements of ministers in the Israeli government, especially calls to deal with some West Bank villages in the same way that the Gaza Strip was dealt with, reveal a shift in rhetoric from the level of threat to preparing Israeli public opinion to adopt harsher policies through military operations and imposing collective restrictions. In her reading of the upcoming scene, Haddad expects three main scenarios. The first is the continuation of the escalation, with intensified incursions, settler attacks, settlement expansion, and tightened security restrictions. The second scenario is the implementation of a broader Israeli military operation in the northern West Bank, especially in Nablus, Jenin, and Tulkarm. The third scenario is based on the Israeli government exploiting the escalation to accelerate undeclared annexation projects, expand settlements, and weaken the Palestinian presence. Haddad confirms that all these indicators reflect an integrated policy to redraw the field and political reality in the West Bank, warning that its continuation may lead to radical changes, with the possibility of a new intifada remaining, although its timing cannot be predicted.

Awni Al-Mashni: Netanyahu realizes that his loss will not only mean losing power but also the end of the project led by the right, and he may resort to attempting to postpone or obstruct the elections. Husni Shilo: The right's loss will mean the fall of the ruling coalition and the beginning of a new political phase, with a fundamental shift in the Israeli position towards Palestinians being ruled out. Khalil Shaheen: If the right retains power, it will give Netanyahu and his allies a popular mandate to continue current policies, including the Gaza war, accelerated settlement, and annexation in the West Bank. Mohammed Abu Allan Dragmeh: If it loses, the right will face heavy political and legal consequences, most notably the possibility of forming an official investigation committee into the events of October 7. Dr. Amjad Bashkar: The right-wing camp may face an internal leadership struggle between the national and religious right-wing parties and the Likud party, which may reshape the Israeli party map. Yasser Manna: The decline of the ruling coalition does not mean the defeat of the right-wing project within Israel, as the proposed alternative includes figures and forces belonging to the right-wing current or the security establishment. Ramallah - Exclusive to "Al-Quds" - Attention is turning to the Israeli Knesset elections scheduled for October 27, 2026, amidst widespread estimates that they will be the most sensitive in Israel's history, as they constitute a referendum on the policies of the ruling right-wing led by Benjamin Netanyahu, after years that witnessed wars, regional tensions, internal crises, and escalating political division, in addition to the decline in the popularity of the ruling coalition in opinion polls. A number of writers, political analysts, and specialists in Israeli affairs confirm, in separate interviews with "Al-Quds", that the election results will not only determine the identity of the next government but will also open the door for internal political and legal reviews, without necessarily leading to a fundamental shift in the Israeli position on the Palestinian issue. On the other hand, they believe that the right's retention of power will give Netanyahu and his allies a mandate to continue the current approach, including policies of war, settlement, and annexation, while the months remaining until the election date remain open to possibilities that may redraw the Israeli political landscape, in light of the continued fierce competition between the ruling coalition and the opposition, and the possibility of internal or regional developments affecting the course and results of the elections. Referendum on the National and Religious Right-Wing Project Political writer and analyst Awni Al-Mashni believes that the Israeli Knesset elections scheduled for October 2026 represent the most important in Israel's history, because they will constitute a direct referendum on the entire project led by the national and religious right-wing during the past three years, and on the policies it pursued internally and regionally, after a series of developments that he considers strategic failures that will be reflected in the choices of the Israeli voter. According to Al-Mashni, the Israeli right-wing has, in recent years, gambled on achieving major goals, including the displacement of Palestinians, and waged a wide war in the Gaza Strip in the context of genocide, and also pushed towards achieving what it calls the "Greater Israel dream," noting that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced this direction in an unprecedented manner. Al-Mashni explains that the Israeli government also engaged in a wide regional confrontation through which it sought to overthrow the Iranian regime, but it did not achieve its goals, after various Israeli cities were bombed and turned into an open confrontation arena. Two Contradictory Options in the Upcoming Elections Al-Mashni believes that the upcoming elections will present Israelis with two contradictory options; the first is to continue the approach led by the current right-wing, and the second is to search for a different approach after the failure of previous policies. He believes that the loss of Netanyahu and his coalition will mean a declaration of the failure of the political and strategic project of the ruling right-wing, and will open the door for extensive internal reviews, also led by a right-wing current, but it will be more inclined to learn from the previous experience, and more aware of the limits of using military force to achieve political goals. An Alternative Government Does Not Mean a Radical Shift Al-Mashni confirms that any alternative government will not mean a radical shift in Israeli positions towards Palestinians, but it may push towards a different political discussion that seeks ways to exit the crises facing Israel, and to recognize, to varying degrees, the geographical and demographic realities imposed by the conflict. He points out that opinion polls, for several months, have shown a clear lead for the opposition and a decline for the right-wing camp, but he warns that the remaining months until the elections may witness pivotal developments, considering that Netanyahu realizes that his loss will not only mean losing power, but the end of the project led by the right-wing in recent years. Netanyahu's Exceptional Steps Therefore, Al-Mashni does not rule out that Netanyahu may resort to exceptional steps that may amount to an attempt to postpone or obstruct the elections if he sees that their results will lead to his loss, stressing that the coming period remains open to possibilities and surprises that may redraw the Israeli political landscape. Referendum on the Jewish Character of the State Political writer, analyst, and international relations specialist Dr. Husni Shilo believes that the Israeli right-wing views the upcoming Knesset elections as the most important in Israel's history, because they represent an existential referendum on the future of the settlement project, the Jewish character of the state, and the continuation of policies it has worked to entrench in recent years, foremost among them intensified settlement, and imposing facts on the ground in the West Bank, which the right-wing sees as an advanced step towards achieving the "Greater Israel" project. Shilo explains that the right-wing considers itself closer than ever to resolving the conflict according to its vision, after tightening control over large areas of land, expanding the network of roads and military checkpoints, and tightening restrictions on Palestinians to encourage emigration, considering that any electoral loss may mean, for this camp, a decline in the chances of completing this project, which it considers essential for entrenching the Jewish state. Determining the Shape of the Israeli State Shilo emphasizes that the importance of the elections is not limited to the future of Benjamin Netanyahu's government, but extends to determining the shape of the Israeli state in the post-October 7 era, noting that Netanyahu still retains factors of strength, most notably his political experience, and his camp's benefit from the priority of security issues among Israeli voters in times of war, despite the decline in right-wing opinion poll results. Shilo explains that the right-wing seeks to mobilize its electoral base by presenting the elections as an existential battle, in addition to completing the project of amending the judicial system and reducing the powers of the Supreme Court, to ensure that laws and decisions serving its political project are not overturned, as well as addressing internal disputes related to the conscription of Haredi Jews. Ruling Out a Fundamental Shift Towards Palestinians Shilo believes that the right-wing's loss will mean the fall of the ruling coalition and the beginning of a new political phase, but he rules out a fundamental shift in the Israeli position towards Palestinians, explaining that Israeli parties, despite their internal differences, agree on the basic issues related to the conflict, and that any new government will not become a partner that grants Palestinians their national rights. Shilo points out that any decline in the right-wing's influence is linked to internal factors, in addition to the decline of Israel's image abroad and the increasing talk of international isolation and European pressure. Shilo indicates that future governments may maintain the facts imposed by the right-wing on the ground, even in the absence of figures like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich from decision-making positions, and may move to ease economic pressures, such as releasing part of the clearing funds or allowing a number of Palestinian workers to enter, within the framework of "economic peace," while continuing settlement at a slower pace, considering that this approach may be more dangerous because it eases international pressure on Israel. Shilo affirms that the electoral scene remains open, and that Netanyahu possesses political experience that enables him to overturn equations at any moment, unless there is a shift in the American position that leads to the withdrawal of political cover from him. An Exceptional Station in Israeli Political Life Political writer and analyst Khalil Shaheen believes that the upcoming Israeli Knesset elections represent an exceptional station in Israeli political life, as they are being held after one of the longest periods in which an Israeli government completed its electoral term, unlike what the past decades witnessed of early elections and the fall of governments before the end of their term. Shaheen points out that these elections also come amidst the presence of Benjamin Netanyahu, the longest-serving prime minister since the establishment of Israel, despite the unprecedented events that occurred during his term, foremost among them the October 7 attack, which constituted a political and military earthquake capable of bringing down any previous Israeli government. Repercussions of October 7 According to Shaheen, Netanyahu's ability to complete his government's term reflects his success in building an extremist right-wing coalition based on national and religious components, considering that the upcoming elections will take place about three weeks after the third anniversary of October 7, which makes the repercussions of those events strongly present in the choices of the Israeli voter, in the absence of an official investigation committee into the failures that preceded the attack and the subsequent developments. Shaheen explains that the Israeli voter will evaluate the outcome of the promises made by the government, foremost among them the elimination of Hamas, the disarmament of the Gaza Strip, the displacement of the population, and the establishment of settlement nuclei in the northern part of the Strip, but he will find that the movement still exists despite its weakening, and that the residents of Gaza are still in the Strip, while complete security has not been achieved for Israelis, neither in the south nor on the northern front, where many residents of settlements are still reluctant to return to their homes. Shaheen points out that Israel also fought two wars against Iran, but the Iranian regime is still in place, and the Iranian nuclear program and missile capabilities remain present, with the continued possibility of military escalation. On the international level, Shaheen believes that Israel has lost a large part of the image it sought to entrench as a "victim," and is facing increasing isolation and a decline in international support, including within the United States, in contrast to the growing solidarity with the Palestinian cause. Failure to Convert Military Achievements into Political Gains Shaheen affirms that the current government has achieved, in the eyes of some Israelis, military achievements, but it has failed to convert them into political gains, which was reflected in opinion polls that give Gadi Eisenkot and the opposition a lead that allows the formation of a government without relying on Arab parties, and Eisenkot is ahead of Netanyahu in prime minister preference polls, and even in political betting platforms. Netanyahu and the Tools to Influence the Internal Scene However, Shaheen rules out a predetermined outcome, noting that Netanyahu still has time and tools to influence the internal scene, amidst the possibilities of escalation with Iran, and Israel's continued adherence to remaining in areas that Israel considers "security" in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria, in addition to continuing de facto annexation and expanding settlement in the West Bank, which the right-wing is counting on to win the votes of settlers. Loss and Limited Changes Shaheen affirms that the loss of the current government's components may open the door for limited changes, such as stopping the push towards annexation and expanding settlement, easing economic pressures on the Palestinian Authority, allowing broader political contacts, and perhaps a role for the Palestinian Authority in Gaza in response to international pressure, but Shaheen stresses that this will not mean adopting the two-state solution according to the Palestinian vision. However, if the right-wing retains power, according to Shaheen, it will give Netanyahu and his allies a popular mandate to continue current policies, including the war in Gaza, and accelerating settlement and annexation in the West Bank. A Fateful Battle for the Right-Wing Writer specializing in Israeli affairs, Mohammed Abu Allan Dragmeh, believes that the upcoming Israeli Knesset elections are of exceptional importance for all political forces, in light of the developments Israel has witnessed over the past four years, foremost among them the events of October 7 and the subsequent wars in the Gaza Strip, Lebanon, and Iran. However, their importance appears greater for the right-wing camp, which considers them a fateful battle that will determine the future of its political and ideological project. According to Dragmeh, if it loses the elections, the right-wing will face heavy political and legal consequences, most notably the possibility of forming an official investigation committee into the events of October 7, with powers to bring charges against the political and military officials who managed the state during the current government's term, which makes the election results have a direct impact on the future of right-wing leaders, foremost among them Benjamin Netanyahu. Fear of Losing Legislative Achievements Dragmeh also explains that the right-wing fears losing the legislation it has achieved within what was known as the "judicial reforms," which aimed to reduce the influence of the judiciary and strengthen the powers of the executive and legislative branches, noting that opposition forces have pledged to repeal these laws and restore the legal system to what it was before their enactment. Dragmeh points out that the settlement project represents one of the most prominent motives for the right-wing's clinging to power, noting that Netanyahu's camp fears that a government headed by Gadi Eisenkot or Naftali Bennett will stop what the right-wing calls the "settlement revolution" in the West Bank, and remove the settlement outposts established in recent years, which would affect the de facto annexation project of the West Bank. Dragmeh also points out that religious parties view the elections as crucial, after succeeding in enacting a legal structure that allows the continued exemption of religious Jews from military service, explaining that opposition parties have pledged to abolish these arrangements and impose compulsory conscription on everyone under the slogan of "equality in bearing the burden." Fear of Extensive Review of Internal Policies Dragmeh believes that the right-wing's loss will lead to a wide review of the internal policies established by Netanyahu's government, whether in political, legal, or economic aspects, but he rules out a fundamental shift in Israeli policy towards Palestinians, stressing that the so-called "center-left" parties do not propose a political project to resolve the conflict, but rather talk about managing the existing reality and providing limited facilities. He affirms that any new government may move to release part of the clearing funds, or allow a number of Palestinian workers to enter the occupied interior, or ease some restrictions on movement in the West Bank, such as removing a number of checkpoints or extending working hours at the Karamah crossing. However, Dragmeh stresses that these measures, if they occur, will not mean the resumption of a political process or progress towards a solution to the Palestinian issue, but will remain within the framework of administrative and economic measures without a change in the essence of Israeli policy. The Right's Priorities in Preserving its Ideological Project Political science professor Dr. Amjad Bashkar believes that the upcoming Israeli elections represent a pivotal moment for the right-wing camp, not only because they will determine the identity of the next government, but also because they will largely decide the nature of the Israeli state and its political and ideological directions for the coming years and decades, as the right-wing seeks to consolidate its political project and reshape state institutions to ensure its continuity. He explains that the Israeli right-wing places at the forefront of its priorities the preservation of its ideological project based on expanding settlement in the West Bank and eliminating any opportunity for the establishment of a Palestinian state, considering that recent years, especially what followed the war on the Gaza Strip, witnessed steps aimed at imposing new facts on the ground that serve this direction. The Future of Right-Wing Leadership Bashkar points out that the right-wing has also worked to redefine the relationship between authorities, by pushing to reduce the powers of the judiciary and strengthen the influence of the government and the Knesset, thereby perpetuating its political project, noting that the elections are also linked to the future of the right-wing leadership, especially Benjamin Netanyahu, whose loss could mean the end of a long political era and open the door for the emergence of new leadership from within the same camp. Bashkar notes that the right-wing sees demographic and political shifts as a historic opportunity to consolidate its dominance, benefiting from the growing electoral weight of religious and nationalist currents, stressing that Israeli society has become more inclined towards the right, which means that the right-wing's loss, if it occurs, does not mean the end of its political project or a radical shift in Israel's directions. No Electoral Reflection on Strategic Goals Bashkar affirms that any change in power may reflect on the method of managing the war and the Palestinian file more than it reflects on strategic goals, explaining that the majority of Zionist parties agree on basic security issues, while the disagreement between them is limited to the means and mechanisms of implementation. He points out that the next phase may witness a slowdown, not an abolition, of annexation and settlement projects, with the possibility of increasing international pressure to revive the political process, and restoring relations with European countries if a more centrist government is formed, in addition to reopening the judicial reform file and reversing some of the legislation that deepened internal division before the war. Bashkar believes that the right-wing camp may face an internal leadership struggle between the national and religious right-wing parties and the Likud party, which could lead to a reshaping of the Israeli party map. Bashkar stresses that the arrival of a center or center-left government will not lead to a fundamental change in policies related to security, settlement, and Jerusalem, but may be limited to a more flexible political discourse and less sharp management of some files, while the basic constants of Israeli policy remain unchanged. Struggle for Leadership of the Right-Wing Camp and Determining the State's Direction Writer and researcher specializing in Israeli affairs, Yasser Manna, believes that the Knesset elections scheduled for October 27, 2026, represent a pivotal moment for Benjamin Netanyahu's camp, because they will determine his ability to continue reshaping Israeli state institutions according to his political vision, especially regarding the judiciary, media, and the status of the legal advisor, after the enactment of a series of laws and procedures that strengthened government powers, some of which will come into effect after the elections. Manna affirms that the Israeli right-wing does not constitute a homogeneous political bloc, but rather includes multiple currents, including Netanyahu's nationalist right, the religious settlement right, in addition to right-wing forces competing with Netanyahu from outside his coalition, which makes the upcoming elections not limited to competition between the right-wing and the opposition, but also represent an internal struggle for the leadership of the right-wing camp and determining the future direction of the Israeli state. Losing the Elections Means the Collapse of the Existing Alliance Manna points out that the loss of the ruling right-wing will likely lead to the collapse of the existing alliance between Netanyahu and the Religious Zionist parties and the Haredi parties, and may lead to a review or cessation of a number of institutional steps taken by the current government, and may also open the door for the formation of an official investigation committee to look into the failures of October 7, and reorganize the relationship between the government and the judiciary. Changes in Governance Style and Alliance Structure However, Manna stresses that the decline of the ruling coalition does not mean the defeat of the right-wing project within Israel, explaining that the proposed alternative includes figures and forces also belonging to the right-wing current or the security establishment, which suggests changes in the style of governance and the structure of political alliances, without leading to a fundamental shift in Israeli policies towards Palestinians or issues of settlement and security.

Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich revealed the government's intention to approve the construction of 763 new settlement units in the 'Eli' settlement, built on citizens' lands south of Nablus. This step comes as part of a strategy aimed at tripling the current area of the settlement within the next few years. Media sources explained that this project will allow for attracting thousands of new settlers to the area and strengthening the settlement presence deep in the West Bank.

Smotrich indicated in statements reported by Hebrew media that the plan is not limited to housing units but also extends to include the development of extensive infrastructure belonging to the 'Binyamin' settlement council. The plan includes the establishment of new settlement farms and sub-towns aimed at connecting settlement blocs. This announcement is part of a broader policy pursued by the current government, which has approved the establishment of more than 100 settlements and dozens of agricultural outposts since taking power in late 2022.

In a related context, human rights data issued by the 'B'Tselem' organization indicate that the number of settlers in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, has reached approximately 750,000 settlers. These are distributed among 141 major settlements and 224 random settlement outposts that enjoy direct government protection and support. These figures reflect the accelerating pace of seizing Palestinian lands and transforming them into areas of influence for settlers, thereby tightening the noose on Palestinian population centers.

On the ground, the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission documented a dangerous escalation in the pace of settler attacks, with approximately 3488 attacks recorded during the first half of this year alone. These violations varied between armed attacks on villages, burning homes and properties, and firing live ammunition at civilians. This wave of organized violence has led to the martyrdom of 17 Palestinians, amid international silence and security complicity by the occupation authorities.

For their part, official and popular Palestinian circles warned that these expansionist plans represent an actual prelude to the official annexation of the West Bank and the imposition of Israeli sovereignty over it. National activities affirmed that the intensification of settlement and settler attacks primarily aims to undermine any future opportunity for the establishment of an independent and viable Palestinian state. These actions are considered a blatant violation of all international resolutions that consider settlement illegal and an obstacle to achieving peace in the region.

The plan aims to increase the size of the settlement threefold in the coming years, allowing for the accommodation of thousands of new settlers.

The diplomatic race for leadership of the international organization has entered a new phase of momentum with the announcement of the seventh candidate joining the succession of current Secretary-General António Guterres. The UN Secretariat officially informed member states of the nomination of Ugandan Olara Otunnu, 75, to be the latest face to join the list of contenders for the highest international office.

Otunnu carries a long diplomatic legacy, having previously served as Under-Secretary-General and Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict during Kofi Annan's tenure. He also represented his country as a delegate to the United Nations and briefly held the foreign affairs portfolio, making him a candidate with deep experience within the international organization's corridors.

On the domestic political front, Otunnu ran in the Ugandan presidential elections in 2011, representing the opposition 'Uganda People's Congress' party. Despite his loss to current President Yoweri Museveni, his political and international career has enhanced his presence as a figure capable of competing in global forums.

The current list of candidates includes prominent names from various continents, among them Michelle Bachelet from Chile, María Fernanda Espinosa from Ecuador, and Rafael Grossi from Argentina. The list also includes Rebeca Grynspan from Costa Rica, Caroline Rodrigues-Birkett from Guyana, in addition to former Senegalese President Macky Sall.

This electoral cycle highlights a notable female presence, with women forming a majority among the first six candidates. This trend reflects a growing international desire to break the male monopoly on the position, which has lasted for 81 years since the organization's founding after World War II.

Practical selection procedures are scheduled to begin on July 30, when the UN Security Council will hold its first secret and closed voting sessions. These rounds aim to gauge the opinions of member states and identify the candidates who enjoy the greatest international consensus before proceeding with the final recommendation.

The process of selecting the Secretary-General is complex, requiring the candidate to obtain at least nine votes within the 15-member Security Council. For a candidate to succeed, none of the five permanent members—the United States, Britain, China, France, and Russia—must use their veto power.

After the Security Council settles on one name, the recommendation is forwarded to the 193-member United Nations General Assembly for final voting and official appointment. The new Secretary-General is expected to officially assume office on January 1, 2027, beginning a five-year term renewable.

General Assembly President Annalena Baerbock had previously stressed the need to choose strong and principled leadership capable of confronting successive global crises. She indicated that the selection process must reflect the diversity of the eight billion people served by the organization, emphasizing the importance of involving civil society in this process.

The Secretary-General plays a pivotal role in preventive diplomacy and avoiding armed conflicts through mediation and sending special missions. Although he does not have the authority to impose coercive solutions, his moral and political standing gives him significant ability to influence the decisions of major powers and formulate peace agreements.

Article 99 of the UN Charter is the most powerful political tool in the hands of the Secretary-General, granting him the right to bring to the attention of the Security Council any matter that threatens international peace and security. This right has historically been used at critical moments to highlight humanitarian disasters and devastating wars requiring urgent international intervention.

As the date of the first vote approaches, world capitals await the results of the secret rounds that will reveal the balance of power within the Security Council. These elections are a real test of the organization's ability to renew amidst sharp international polarization and unprecedented geopolitical challenges afflicting the current world order.

The position of Secretary-General, despite the limitations imposed by the Charter, remains a symbol of international legitimacy and a voice for the vulnerable in conflict zones. The next leader will have to deal with thorny issues including climate change, regional wars, and reforming the UN's structure to be more representative of contemporary global reality.

At a time of increasing challenges, the world needs a Secretary-General capable of strong, principled, and effective leadership that reflects humanity's diversity.

The Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced significant progress in the latest round of talks held with a delegation from the Sultanate of Oman, describing the results as fruitful. The discussions primarily focused on formulating joint mechanisms for managing navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, ensuring mutual interests and preserving stability in the vital region.

Informed sources confirmed that technical and political consultations between Tehran and Muscat are still ongoing, as both sides seek to reach final understandings regarding the governing principles of the international waterway. These moves come amidst a clear Iranian desire to assert its full sovereignty over the strait as part of its national security.

Data indicates that the Omani delegation may carry Iranian promises to make tactical concessions aimed at satisfying the American side, without compromising the red lines set by the leadership in Tehran. This step aims to find common ground that allows for a return to direct or indirect negotiation with Washington.

For its part, Tehran stresses that it has never closed the doors to diplomatic work, but it stipulates that negotiations must be based on respect for Iranian sovereignty and recognition of the new balance of power. The Iranian leadership believes that its strong military presence in recent conflicts gives it strong leverage to achieve its political demands.

Domestically in Iran, there is a divergence of views; Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi advocates for prioritizing political solutions and considering war as a last resort. In contrast, Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei expresses reservations about American intentions, but he grants the government sufficient space to test the diplomatic path and achieve national interests.

On the ground, the past few days have witnessed a remarkable escalation, as sources reported that attacks targeting US forces' positions resulted in injuries and deaths. While Tehran speaks of significant human losses among American soldiers, the official narrative from Washington indicates that the death toll did not exceed 16 soldiers during two weeks of tension.

Against the backdrop of this escalation, press reports, citing informed sources, revealed that US President Donald Trump issued clear instructions to the military to halt any new offensive operations against Iranian targets. This directive aims to allow mediators, led by the Sultanate of Oman, to complete their efforts in de-escalation.

Observers believe that Trump's decision to de-escalate may be due to military and technical reasons, related to concerns about the depletion of American interceptor missile stockpiles in the region. This military concern prompted the White House to reassess the situation and prefer the political path for now to avoid a widespread war.

Through this cautious diplomatic opening, the United States is trying to explore the seriousness of Tehran in making concessions regarding its regional and nuclear program. In return, Iran insists that any future agreement must guarantee the lifting of economic sanctions and recognition of its role as an indispensable regional power.

All eyes remain on Muscat, which plays the role of a vital bridge between the two arch-rivals, in an attempt to prevent the region from sliding into a comprehensive confrontation. The coming days will reveal the extent of Omani mediation's ability to transform these initial understandings into framework agreements that end the ongoing state of tension.

Iran has not closed the door to diplomacy with the United States, but it seeks Washington's recognition of its sovereignty and influential regional power.

The least that can be said is that this is terrorism in its latest and most heinous version, reproduced by the descendants, knocking on doors, besieging women, elders, and children in their home gardens, breaking into their bedrooms, burning their homes, stealing their livestock, confiscating and demolishing their houses, and provoking a reaction from the victim in their legitimate self-defense, to justify "calls for revenge and turning the West Bank into a river of blood," as stated in settler calls within mobilization groups and on social media walls. I don't know - by the time this issue reaches the press - how many martyrs and injured there are in the villages and towns besieged by terrorists, and how many homes and mosques are engulfed in flames, while occupation soldiers provide protection and fire cover for these killers, who were not content with what they displaced and demolished from Bedouin communities in the rural belt, but today enter the villages to displace their people, as Moshe Ya'alon, the former Minister of War, said. He described what the settlers did in the village of Tal as terrorism supported by a government that provides them with money, weapons, cars, and all resources to achieve its declared systematic policies, while refusing to describe the reaction as a "terrorist act," considering that it did not come out of nowhere, according to television statements on the night of the incident. The policy of pushing to the wall generates an explosion, pushing people to defend their existence, which calls for urgent international intervention to protect the defenseless in the villages and towns targeted by organized terrorism. This is what Yair Golan, leader of the Israeli Democrats party, warned against, accusing Netanyahu and Katz of "working to turn the West Bank, on the eve of the elections, into a powder keg that could explode and threaten human lives," demanding an investigation into the events, and calling for action to replace Netanyahu's government, eliminate Jewish terrorism, dismantle the armed militias belonging to Ben Gvir, and remove the illegal settlement outposts belonging to Smotrich.

Groups of settlers carried out serious attacks targeting places of worship in the Tulkarm and Nablus governorates in the occupied West Bank early Sunday morning. Local sources reported that the first attack targeted the mosque of 'Kour' village, located south of Tulkarm city, where settlers set fire to parts of it before withdrawing from the scene under security protection.

Simultaneously, Al-Rahma Mosque in Qusra town, south of Nablus city, was subjected to a similar and more severe attack, where the raging fire destroyed large parts of the prayer hall and vandalized ablution facilities and main entrances. The attackers did not stop at burning the mosque; they also wrote racist slogans in Hebrew on its outer walls, carrying explicit threats and provocative phrases against Palestinians.

During the attack, Qusra town witnessed additional acts of vandalism targeting citizens' properties, as settlers stormed a number of residential homes, stole personal belongings, and destroyed other contents. These attacks come amid a state of severe tension prevailing in the region as a result of repeated attacks carried out by settlers against Palestinian villages and towns adjacent to settlements.

For its part, the Palestinian Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs warned of the serious repercussions of the continued targeting of mosques, stressing that these crimes fall within a systematic policy of intimidating citizens and attacking their holy sites. The ministry indicated in a statement that it has monitored dozens of similar violations since the beginning of this year, including attempts to burn, desecrate, and repeatedly storm mosques in various governorates of the West Bank.

This field escalation by settlers coincides with a wide-ranging military campaign launched by the Israeli occupation army in the West Bank, which included storming many population centers and carrying out widespread arrests. Observers believe that these coordinated attacks reflect a green light for settlers to exercise more violence against Palestinian civilians and their religious and private properties without legal or security deterrence.

The Palestinian Ministry of Endowments warns of the escalation of systematic settler attacks on places of worship and holy sites in the West Bank.

The Culture and Free Thought Association in the Gaza Strip has revived the mosaic workshop activity, which was forcibly halted during the past months of war. This step targets children and adolescents, seeking to inspire them, discover their hidden talents, and transform them into a tangible reality through a timeless art form.

This artistic activity prominently features a complete reliance on the remaining resources that survived the bombing, where the rubble and stones of destroyed homes form the primary basis for creating the artworks. Participants collect stones from the debris and reshape them into artistic pieces that tell stories of steadfastness and survival.

Artistic sources reported that the process begins with training children through intensive courses covering precise mosaic techniques. Visual artist Mohammed Abu Lahya explained that this field requires great patience and extreme precision, as preparing and training a child takes months to ensure mastery of execution.

The training within the workshop is based on Palestinian cultural heritage, by simulating traditional scenes dating back to before 1948. These scenes vary to include images of the Palestinian farmer, the woman in embroidered dress, olive trees, and sea scenes that reinforce national identity in the hearts of the young ones.

The initiators of the project consider mosaic to be a sustainable art that maintains its beauty despite the fluctuations of time and erosion factors. The murals created serve as visual historical documents, aiming to immortalize Palestinian memory and protect it from extinction amidst the difficult conditions experienced by the Strip.

However, the initiative faces immense challenges related to the scarcity of raw materials and the loss of essential tools needed for cutting and installation. Local sources indicated the absence of cement, which prompted artists to innovate by grinding and mixing bricks to provide alternatives that enable them to fix the artworks on walls.

Kinana Ramadan, a 14-year-old girl, found in this art a means of psychological release after being injured in a bombing that targeted her family's home. Kinana says that her involvement in mosaic assembly helped her overcome her physical and psychological pain after months of being unable to move.

For her part, Enaya Abu Hadrous participates in the workshop to restore paintings by former artists and develop her creative abilities despite the lack of colors. Enaya emphasizes that the goal is to preserve Palestinian heritage and produce paintings in an acceptable manner that reflects the will to live despite incomplete tools.

Children in Gaza continue to transform the tragedies of war into aesthetic artworks brimming with life, defying the lack of resources and the blockade. This experience is a unique model in using art as a tool for cultural resistance and psychological therapy simultaneously, turning the ashes of destruction into colorful mosaics.

We extract stones from under the rubble and recycle them to fix them on walls as sustainable art that defies erosion and time.

Hasakah Governorate witnessed a remarkable escalation on the ground by Arab tribes who announced the erection of four 'war tents' in strategic areas including Al-Milbiyah, Ras al-Ain, Tal Hamis, and Al-Yaarubiyah. This symbolic step, which in tribal custom signifies a state of general mobilization, comes as a protest message directed at both the Syrian government and the leadership of the 'Syrian Democratic Forces' (SDF), expressing dissatisfaction with the pace of implementing recent understandings.

Sources reported that the protesters refuse to be content with the pledges made by the presidential delegation currently in the governorate, and demand guarantees from higher leadership levels in Damascus. Tribal elders called for the presence of the head of the Council of Tribes and Clans, and the advisor to the Presidency of the Republic for Tribal Affairs, to ensure the implementation of the provisions of the January 29, 2026 agreement, which stipulates the extension of state authority.

Coinciding with these protests, the Syrian government began practical steps to link the governorate's institutions to the center, with the Minister of Higher Education visiting 'Rojava' University in Qamishli to discuss placing it under the ministry's supervision. The measures also included regularizing the status of judges working in self-administration institutions and attaching them to the official judiciary, and reactivating branches of the Agricultural Bank to facilitate the disbursement of farmers' dues.

Regarding basic services, authorities reopened the Alouk water station after a halt that lasted more than seven years, despite initial tests showing severe damage to the distribution networks. Observers believe that this intensive ministerial presence carries political dimensions through which Damascus aims to restore its administrative and service role in vital facilities in the governorate, which has long suffered from marginalization.

Despite these institutional moves, the tribes believe that the restoration of universities and banks is not enough given the continued de facto security and military control by the 'SDF' in large areas. Arab components fear that a superficial administrative merger could legitimize the status quo without real change in the relationship between the residents and the security authority, which prompted them to demand a clear timetable for the full extension of state sovereignty.

File of displaced persons from the neighborhoods of Ghweran and Al-Salhiyah and the villages of the Qamishli and Ras al-Ain countryside tops the list of protesters' demands, with elders calling for an organized and collective return of residents. Demands also included providing financial support of up to two thousand dollars for each returning family to help them renovate their homes, and linking this return to ending the military control of the 'SDF' over those residential areas.

On the educational and civilian front, the tribes demanded the return of the Ministry of Education to full supervision of schools and the unification of curricula to ensure the academic future of students after years of turmoil. Protesters also stressed the need to activate civil registry departments and link them to the Ministry of Interior to facilitate the issuance of official documents that residents currently have to travel to other governorates to obtain.

Regarding the sensitive security file, the fate of Arab fighters who previously joined the ranks of the 'SDF' stands out as one of the fundamental points of contention, with the tribes demanding their integration into the Ministries of Defense and Interior. Elders warn that refusing to absorb these young men could exacerbate unemployment and increase social tension, emphasizing that the success of the integration process depends on providing real job opportunities for the people of the region in the new institutions.

The choice of the 'war tent' symbol carries a significance beyond ordinary protest, as it is used in times of mobilization and major crises, reflecting a feeling of slow implementation of agreements.

Washington Message

News Analysis

Washington – Said Arikat – 26/7/2026

In a reading that challenges many of the axioms that have governed international politics since the end of the Cold War, researcher Robert Pape, a professor of political science at the University of Chicago, concluded in a lengthy study published by the American magazine "Foreign Affairs" on Friday that the recent war between the United States and Iran does not merely represent a regional confrontation, but rather constitutes a historical turning point that may herald the end of the international system established after the 1991 Gulf War, when the United States appeared to be the sole power capable of imposing its military and political will on the world.

Pape believes that the first Gulf War was the event that solidified the global belief that Washington possessed an undisputed military superiority, and that this superiority became the basis for economic stability, globalization, and the expansion of international trade. However, the war with Iran, according to the study, showed that these assumptions are no longer valid, after a militarily weaker state succeeded in imposing a high strategic and economic cost on the United States and its allies, without the need to achieve a traditional military victory.

The study recalls the scenes of January 17, 1991, when the world watched on television screens the precise aerial bombardment of Baghdad during Operation "Desert Storm." At that time, American military technology seemed to have ushered in a new era of rapid and decisive wars, especially after the swift collapse of the Iraqi army, which was then considered one of the largest armies in the region, despite American fears of a repeat of the Vietnam experience.

The impact of that victory was not limited to the liberation of Kuwait; it also produced, according to the researcher, a profound psychological and strategic shift. Governments, financial markets, and international companies became convinced that the United States was capable of military intervention anywhere, ensuring the security of international trade routes, and preventing any rival power from threatening the global order.

Pape points out that the international system after 1991 was based on four main pillars: the United States' ability to quickly resolve wars, its monopoly on military escalation superiority, its guarantee of global freedom of navigation, and the belief of most countries that resistance to American power would ultimately be futile.

This conviction, as the researcher explains, encouraged Europe to reduce its defense spending, accelerated NATO's eastward expansion, and prompted global companies to build intercontinental supply chains, based on the assumption that sea lanes would remain secure thanks to American military superiority.

However, the study argues that globalization itself unleashed a completely opposite process. Technology that was once exclusive to major armies became available in civilian markets, from electronic processors and smart chips to satellite navigation systems, sensors, and drones, which provided less powerful states, and even non-governmental actors, with means capable of disrupting the world's strongest armies.

The researcher cites the Iranian drone "Shahed-136" as an example, which relies mostly on low-cost commercial electronics for its components, but can carry out precise strikes that, three decades ago, would have required multi-billion dollar military programs.

The importance of this analysis lies in that it does not measure the balance of power by the number of aircraft or aircraft carriers, but by the extent to which adversaries can drain the superpower with low-cost tools. Commercial technology, which was one of the pillars of globalization's prosperity, has at the same time become a tool to undermine traditional military monopoly. This shift changes the very concept of deterrence, as it is no longer about militarily defeating the adversary, but about convincing them that the cost of continuing the confrontation will be higher than any political or military gain that can be achieved.

The study considers that the war with Iran clearly embodied this new rule. Instead of confronting the US Navy in a traditional battle, Tehran focused on threatening the security environment of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz using drones, precision missiles, and mobile launch platforms, which led to an increase in marine insurance premiums and caused disruptions in global energy markets, despite the continued movement of ships in the strait.

Pape notes that the United States and Israel carried out thousands of strikes against military sites inside Iran, but Iran's ability to redeploy, conceal launch platforms, and reproduce combat means made eliminating this threat extremely difficult.

According to the study, the problem is no longer the ability to destroy targets, but the impossibility of controlling vast geographical areas where small, mobile, and low-cost platforms are dispersed, capable of returning to operation faster than traditional armies can destroy them.

The researcher also believes that Iran's success does not mean its transformation into the dominant power in the Middle East, as its economy still suffers, and its traditional forces remain less developed than those of the United States and Israel. However, its ability to impose its calculations on markets and governments gives it increasing political influence, even without achieving a decisive military victory.

The most prominent message of the study is that political influence in the 21st century is no longer linked solely to military superiority, but to a state's ability to influence the expectations of markets, investors, and transport and energy companies. When the mere possibility of an attack is enough to raise insurance prices and disrupt trade, economic power itself becomes hostage to new deterrence calculations. From this perspective, strategic impact can be achieved more through undermining confidence than through controlling territory.

The study does not stop at the Middle East but warns of the possibility of this model spreading to East Asia, particularly in the Taiwan Strait, through which a large percentage of global maritime trade passes. Pape believes that Taiwan, if a conflict with China erupts, could use drones, precision missiles, and commercial sensors to threaten Chinese navigation, just as Iran did in the Strait of Hormuz.

The researcher emphasizes that the goal in such wars will not be to destroy fleets, but to undermine confidence in the security of sea lanes, raise the cost of global trade, and force major powers to bear increasing economic burdens.

Pape concludes that the international system is entering a phase completely different from the post-Cold War era. The United States still possesses the greatest destructive power in the world, but it is no longer able to impose political outcomes at the low cost that characterized the post-1991 period, while weaker powers now possess tools that enable them to endure, raise costs, and prolong conflicts.

If Robert Pape's hypothesis is correct, the world stands before a strategic transformation similar in importance to the transformations that followed the World Wars. Globalization, which flourished under the American security umbrella, may enter a more costly and less stable phase, where the protection of sea lanes and supply chains becomes a constant challenge for major powers. In this new environment, the question will not be who has the strongest army, but who can maintain the confidence of global markets, ensure the continuity of trade, and prevent adversaries from turning cheap technology into tools for reshaping the international balance of power.

The signs of a humanitarian and urban catastrophe began to unfold in the town of Zawtar Al-Gharbia, part of the Nabatieh district, following the withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces and the entry of Lebanese Army units as part of the deployment understandings in the South. The Lebanese military establishment opened the way for media outlets to document the extent of the devastation that affected infrastructure and private property, as the town's streets and public squares appeared completely destroyed due to systematic shelling and bulldozing operations.

Municipal sources in Zawtar Al-Gharbia reported that initial statistics indicate the occupation destroyed approximately 250 homes, representing 50% of the total residential units in the town, which comprises 500 homes. This widespread destruction affected residences that housed about 5,000 people, leaving half of the town's residents truly homeless amidst harsh conditions left by the recent military operations.

The destruction was not limited to buildings but also extended to the agricultural sector, which is a fundamental pillar of the livelihoods of the region's residents, as occupation bulldozers cleared vast areas of agricultural land. Lebanese Army vehicles are currently working to remove rubble and open road paths whose features have completely changed, in an attempt to facilitate movement within the affected neighborhoods.

Despite the absence of basic services and the lack of decent living conditions, the people of Zawtar Al-Gharbia showed remarkable attachment to their land, with dozens of them beginning to return and inspect the ruins of their homes. A number of returnees affirmed their determination to stay in their town even if they had to live in temporary tents over the rubble of their homes, considering that the presence of the Lebanese Army in the area gives them a sense of security lost since the escalation began.

In field testimonies, one of the women whose homes were burned by the occupation said that she makes sure to come to the town daily since the army entered to spend the daylight hours in what remains of her home. She explained that she is forced to leave in the evening because the place is not suitable for habitation, but she stressed that the connection to the land is stronger than the attempts of forced displacement practiced by the occupation through the scorched-earth policy.

For its part, the Lebanese Army issued a statement affirming that the practices of the Israeli occupation constitute a blatant violation of international understandings and humanitarian laws, especially regarding the deliberate destruction of residential areas. The statement indicated that these continuous aggressions aim to obstruct the completion of the deployment of Lebanese armed forces in border villages and create obstacles to the safe return of displaced persons to their homes.

Engineering and logistical teams continue to try to reconnect the town with its surroundings, amidst significant challenges related to the amount of rubble and the spread of war remnants. Zawtar Al-Gharbia is one of the villages that witnessed violent confrontations and is today considered a model for the scale of challenges facing the Lebanese state in rebuilding what the Israeli war machine destroyed in the South.

The Israeli occupation continues to violate understandings and international laws through systematic destruction of homes, which hinders the completion of troop deployment in the South.

A state of anxiety and tension prevailed in Nablus Governorate after Israeli occupation forces, supported by groups of settlers, detained four Palestinian women and abused them in the area between the towns of Al-Lubban and Al-Sawiya. Field sources reported that occupation soldiers stopped the vehicle they were in and began searching it and assaulting the passengers, while their fate remains unknown until this moment.

In the context of political escalation, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu revealed new instructions he issued to the army leadership to intensify raids on Palestinian villages in the West Bank. Netanyahu claimed that these operations aim to conduct thorough searches and confiscate what he described as weapons, in addition to carrying out widespread arrest campaigns targeting those he called suspects.

For his part, Israeli Security Minister Yisrael Katz hinted at unprecedented steps against Palestinian population centers, indicating that Tel Aviv is seriously considering the option of evacuating entire towns in the West Bank. Katz likened these plans to what was previously implemented in the camps, which portends a new phase of forced displacement under flimsy security pretexts.

On the ground, medical sources in the Palestinian Red Crescent confirmed that the occupation authorities obstructed the access of healthcare to patients, preventing ambulances from transporting 14 patients in urgent need of dialysis sessions from rural Nablus to hospitals. This prevention coincided with a strict closure of military checkpoints and iron gates surrounding the city, completely isolating it from its surroundings.

In Tulkarm Governorate, the governor warned of the danger of field coordination between the occupation army and settlers in carrying out attacks on villages and towns. The governor called on citizens to activate popular guard committees to protect property, demanding immediate intervention from the international and Arab communities to stop these plans targeting the Palestinian presence.

The town of Huwara, south of Nablus, witnessed a new method of abuse, where occupation soldiers open iron gates to lure Palestinian vehicles before suddenly ambushing them. Soldiers confiscate car keys and assault citizens, practices documented by activists with video clips showing the extent of daily violations.

Regarding arrests, occupation forces launched a widespread campaign affecting more than 60 citizens in various governorates of the West Bank in recent hours. This campaign focused on Nablus Governorate, which recorded 24 arrests, most of them in the town of Tell, in an attempt to intimidate the residents and undermine any popular movement.

Violations did not stop at arrests but also included the policy of collective punishment through house demolitions, as occupation engineering forces stormed the homes of two martyrs in the area and took their engineering measurements. This step comes as a preliminary measure to detonate or demolish the homes later, as part of the occupation's systematic policy against the families of resistance fighters.

In a blatant attack on holy sites, settlers set fire to two mosques in the towns of Qusra, south of Nablus, and Kour, south of Tulkarm, causing extensive material damage. Economic facilities were also targeted, as heavy equipment was set on fire in a quarry in the Ein Samiya area, east of Ramallah, under full protection from army forces.

In Salfit, settlers began establishing a new outpost on the lands of Deir Istiya town, in a step aimed at seizing more Palestinian lands and connecting settlements. These movements come amid military facilities granted to settlers for freedom of movement, while Palestinians are deprived of movement between their cities and villages.

Statistical reports issued by the occupation army radio indicated a sharp jump in the pace of settler attacks, recording a 63% increase during the first half of this year. This figure reflects the green light given by the far-right government to settlers to carry out organized attacks against unarmed civilians.

Finally, observers believe that the closure of military checkpoints surrounding major cities such as Ramallah and Nablus is not merely a security measure, but a tactic to facilitate settler attacks. These closures prevent the arrival of popular or medical aid to targeted villages, leaving residents in direct confrontation with armed settler attacks.

Israel is considering the possibility of evacuating towns in the West Bank, as it did with the camps.

The Palestinian Prisoners' Affairs and Ex-Prisoners' Commission issued a new human rights report warning of the accelerating deterioration in the living and health conditions of detainees held in the desert Naqab Prison. This report was based on field visits conducted by the Commission's lawyer to a number of administrative detainees, where he documented horrific testimonies about the nature of daily life inside the prison. Sources confirmed that prisoners face a severe shortage of essential summer clothing, in addition to being provided with poor quality and quantity of food.

The documented testimonies touched upon the critical health condition of a number of detainees, including 19-year-old Hashem Ma'moun Mahasneh, who suffers from severe tooth pain and the spread of skin fungi without treatment. Prisoner Imad Muayyad Habash also suffers from blood pressure disorders and hearing impairment due to a previous injury that was not properly medically treated. These cases reflect the systematic medical negligence policy pursued by the prison administration against Palestinian detainees.

In a related context, the report revealed a severe deterioration in the health of prisoner Mu'taz Hisham Yaqoub, who lost about 40 kilograms of his weight due to harsh conditions and is in urgent need of antibiotics to treat infections resulting from previous surgeries. Prisoner Muhammad Raja Al-Khatib also suffers from symptoms of scabies and hearing impairment, due to being subjected to violent physical assaults during his presence in a previous prison before being transferred to Naqab, which exacerbates his daily suffering.

Regarding administrative detention, the Commission's lawyer monitored the continued detention of a group of prisoners without clear charges for long periods, with prisoner Rami Rashid Hilal spending his sixteenth month in administrative detention. Prisoners Adam Muhammad Abu Bakr and Abdul Rahman Basisi also face administrative extension decisions for the fourth consecutive time, a policy used by the occupation authorities to keep young Palestinians behind bars for as long as possible without trial.

The Commission concluded its report by referring to the situation of prisoner Mustafa Mahmoud Al-Saadi, who is undergoing his third administrative extension, and prisoner Ahmed Muhammad Sarari, who is awaiting release early next year. The Commission stressed the need for international and human rights organizations to intervene to address these blatant violations and pressure the occupation authorities to stop physical and verbal assaults and provide necessary medical care and basic humanitarian needs for all prisoners.

Detainees face difficult conditions related to a shortage of summer clothing and poor food, in addition to repeated complaints of poor medical care and exposure to physical and verbal assaults.

The Palestinian Ministry of Health in the Gaza Strip announced today, Tuesday, an increase in the cumulative death toll from the ongoing Israeli aggression since October 7, 2023, to 73,326 martyrs, in addition to 173,997 people injured with varying degrees of severity. Medical sources clarified that the past twenty-four hours alone witnessed the martyrdom of 9 people, two of whom died from their previous injuries, while hospitals received 36 new injuries.

Regarding the details of the field violations, the ministry indicated that the total number of victims of recorded violations since the announcement of the ceasefire agreement in October 2025 has reached 1,200 martyrs and 3,888 injured. Specialized teams also managed to recover the bodies of 803 martyrs from under the rubble of destroyed buildings in various areas, while hundreds of missing persons remain trapped in inaccessible places due to direct targeting.

On the ground, occupation forces continued for the 290th consecutive day to violate the truce agreement through a wide-ranging military escalation that included air raids and intense artillery shelling. An Israeli drone targeted a civilian vehicle south of Deir al-Balah, leading to the martyrdom of two Palestinians and the injury of others, coinciding with three air raids by warplanes targeting the Al-Matahen area.

In Khan Yunis Governorate, medical sources announced the martyrdom of citizen Suleiman Tayseer Sahmoud, who succumbed to his severe injuries after being directly targeted near 'Street 5'. The city's skies are witnessing intensive and low-altitude flights of reconnaissance drones, accompanied by artillery shelling targeting the eastern neighborhoods of the city, causing panic among displaced persons and those returning to inspect their homes.

In the central part of the Strip, medical teams recorded a woman being shot in the head while inside her tent in the Nuseirat camp, due to random gunfire from occupation vehicles. This injury is part of a series of direct targeting of displaced persons' tents and shelters, which lack the minimum safety requirements amidst continuous artillery and aerial bombardment.

Gaza City witnessed a similar escalation, with heavy artillery continuously targeting the eastern neighborhoods of the city since the early morning hours. Occupation aircraft also dropped flare bombs over the northern areas of the city, coinciding with military vehicle movements on the outskirts, indicating the continuation of military operations despite previously announced truce understandings.

In the northwestern and southern areas of the Strip, occupation forces carried out extensive demolition operations of residential blocks and citizens' homes, resulting in massive explosions heard throughout the northern governorates. These operations coincide with intense artillery shelling targeting the northwestern areas of Rafah City, causing complete destruction of public and private property.

The Ministry of Health affirmed that ambulance and civil defense teams still face extreme difficulties in recovering victims from under the rubble or from rugged roads. This is due to the direct targeting of ambulances and preventing them from reaching conflict areas, which increases the likelihood of a higher death toll due to severe bleeding or lack of immediate medical care in the field.

Humanitarian suffering continues in the Gaza Strip with ongoing military operations affecting the already dilapidated infrastructure, amidst international warnings of a worsening health catastrophe. Human rights organizations demand the occupation to adhere to the terms of the truce agreement, cease targeting unarmed civilians, and ensure the delivery of medical aid and fuel necessary to operate the remaining hospitals in the Strip.

Many victims are still under the rubble and on the roads, with ambulance and civil defense teams unable to reach them.

Hebrew press reports issued today, Saturday, confirmed that history will record Benjamin Netanyahu as the worst prime minister to lead Israel since its establishment. Sources clarified that this assessment is not based solely on the major security failure on October 7, 2023, but also extends to include the exorbitant economic costs that Israeli society will bear as a result of the policies pursued.

Sources indicated that the aura with which Netanyahu surrounded himself throughout his political career as a 'security man' has completely evaporated in the wake of the defeat that occurred under his direct responsibility. They considered that these events constituted a turning point that led to a loss of confidence in his ability to provide protection, leaving his political image vulnerable before the Israeli public.

Since that date, Israelis have entered one of the most dangerous and complex security periods, with the current threat described as the worst the entity has faced in two full generations. This security deterioration has not stopped at military borders but has directly impacted the stability of the home front and the general sense of security.

On the financial front, reports noted that the Ministry of Defense's budget has reached unprecedented levels, necessitating harsh tax increases on settlers. These policies have also led to a sharp reduction in public services and an exacerbation of public debt, which will have deep negative effects on living standards for many years to come.

In a related context, sources reminded that the October 7 attack carried out by the Palestinian resistance came in response to continuous violations against holy sites and Al-Aqsa Mosque. Former security and military officials considered that the way that attack was handled represented a grave intelligence failure, which prompted some of them to resign and acknowledge responsibility.

Netanyahu's crises are not limited to domestic issues but extend to the international arena, where he has been wanted to appear before the International Criminal Court since 2024. The Israeli leadership faces accusations of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity against Palestinians, which further increases the current government's international isolation.

Last March, the Israeli Knesset approved a massive budget for 2026, amounting to approximately 850.6 billion shekels, equivalent to 271 billion dollars. This budget is the largest in the country's history and reflects the enormous military spending that has drained state resources at the expense of civilian sectors.

Regarding the political map, the latest opinion polls showed a sharp decline for Netanyahu's right-wing bloc compared to the opposition's advance. According to the data, the opposition is capable of forming a new government by securing 62 seats in the Knesset, while Netanyahu's bloc would only have 48 seats if elections were held today.

Upcoming elections are expected to be an exceptional event, being the first since 1988 that may be held on their constitutional date without being brought forward. This comes after the current Knesset completed its full term, despite political storms and widespread protests demanding the current government's departure and early elections.

It is worth noting that the current Knesset is the twenty-fifth in the history of the entity established on the ruins of displaced Palestinian cities and villages in 1948. Despite international resolutions, Israel continues to refuse to withdraw from the occupied territories or allow the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, adhering to the expansionist and settlement policies led by the far-right.

Netanyahu's failure will not only be measured by the events of October 7 but also by the exorbitant economic price Israel will pay.

In all laws and statutes of the people of the earth and in all heavenly books, the right to self-defense is guaranteed by clear and explicit texts, except under the law of occupation; there, you are forbidden from defending yourself, your family, your field, and your home. If you do, you will be killed and accused of terrorism and extremism. The hands of the settlers are free, and their automatic weapons kill, mutilate, and condemn anyone who stands in the way of their attempts to steal land, and their rampage of death. This is the law of the jungle and racist laws that do not grant Palestinians the right to self-defense, and give aggressors every means to escape punishment and accountability, and provide all means of empowerment in continuous attempts to terrorize people and push them towards displacement. This form of ugly racism, which grants the right to the thief who attacks people in their homes, and does not allow those who are subjected to aggression and harm to defend themselves and their families, is one of the oppressive policies according to the Zionist vision and the clear-cut Talmudic doctrine with its goals and plans to undermine our people and their presence on their land. In contrast, this racism increases and escalates amidst international silence that does not deter these criminal acts. Excessive bloodshed and mass executions before the camera's eye, intensifying oppression and injustice, and continuous and escalating brutality in every village, town, and city, and no one provides protection for people from these attacks guarded by occupation soldiers who work to secure the terrorism and crimes of the settlers. Palestinians are forbidden from defending themselves; they must be killed, die, be beaten, and have their homes burned in silence, and not move or repel this injustice. What savagery is this? And what racism is this that we see all the time, and that the world sees, a world that calls for freedom and fighting racism and extremism, yet does not act in the face of all that is happening in Palestine? This double standard in positions is not new, but rather known for its bias at times, and its silence at other times. It is no longer useful to demand the world intervene, for this world does not intervene. It sees and follows all crimes and does not intervene in a way that prevents them on the ground. If the matter were in any other country, international resolutions would be issued and observers would be brought in to protect people. But in Palestine, this world does not move, and if it intervenes, it merely condemns and denounces. This is the law of occupation, which considers self-defense a crime for which anyone who defends themselves, their family, and their home is held accountable. It is a complete system of racist oppression that seeks to strip Palestinians of their most basic legitimate human rights, forcing them to choose between dying in silence or facing the charge of "terrorism," amidst international double standards and silence that turns a blind eye to the perpetrator and ignores the injustice of the victim.

As Israeli elections approach, the same question resurfaces for Palestinians: Can Benjamin Netanyahu's departure lead to a real change in Israeli policy towards Palestinians, or will the change be limited to individuals without affecting the core of the Israeli political project? This question seems more urgent today with talk of early elections and the rise of figures like Gabi Ashkenazi and Naftali Bennett, or opposition alliances seeking to end the Netanyahu era. However, reading the Israeli scene beyond personalization leads to a different conclusion: the crisis in Israel is not solely Netanyahu's crisis, but a structural crisis in the Israeli political system, which is increasingly moving towards the national and religious right. In recent years, Netanyahu has succeeded in reshaping the Israeli political map, not only by strengthening the right, but also by pushing his opponents to adopt more hardline positions on security and Palestinian issues. As a result, the ideological gap between the government and the opposition has narrowed on issues related to occupation, settlements, and the Palestinian state, to the point where disagreements often revolve around administrative style, foreign relations, and the management of state institutions, rather than the essence of policy towards Palestinians. Opinion polls and the political programs of major parties indicate that the majority of Zionist parties, including centrist and right-wing parties, reject a return to a political path that leads to the establishment of a fully sovereign Palestinian state, even if they differ in the degree of expressing this or in the tools for managing the conflict. Former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett stands out as one of Netanyahu's most prominent rivals, but viewing him as a "more moderate" candidate towards Palestinians is not based on a clear political record. Bennett was one of the Israeli politicians most opposed to the idea of a Palestinian state, and repeatedly called for imposing Israeli sovereignty over large parts of the West Bank, while granting Palestinians limited autonomy without sovereignty. Even during his premiership between 2021 and 2022, settlement activity did not stop; rather, that period witnessed continued expansion and the approval of thousands of settlement units, confirming that a change in prime minister did not mean a change in settlement policy, but only a difference in political discourse. Bennett's alliance with Yair Lapid also primarily aimed to end Netanyahu's rule rather than present a new political project regarding the Palestinian issue. If the Oslo Accords made the two-state solution the basis of the political process for three decades, the current Israeli political mood seems further away from this option. The right explicitly rejects a Palestinian state, while centrist forces treat the idea as impractical under current circumstances or conditional on security arrangements that would make Palestinian sovereignty incomplete. As for parties that clearly support the establishment of a Palestinian state, their influence within Israeli society and the Knesset has become limited, while Arab parties continue to advocate for this option without possessing the ability to impose it within ruling coalitions. Recent polls indicate a decline in Israeli Jewish support for a two-state settlement compared to previous decades, with a growing belief that the realities imposed by settlements have made its implementation more difficult. Despite these facts, with every Israeli election, a Palestinian discourse emerges that bets on Netanyahu's downfall as an entry point to improving the political situation. This optimism can be explained by several factors: First, Netanyahu's personality has become a symbol of the most hardline policies, making his departure seem like the end of an entire era, even though most of his rivals adopt similar positions on fundamental issues. Second, governments that do not include far-right religious parties may be less aggressive in their rhetoric and more keen to mend relations with the United States and European countries, which creates the impression of a possible resumption of the political process. The third factor is the natural Palestinian desire to seek any political opportunity after many years of stagnation, even if realistic indicators do not sufficiently support this optimism. However, practical experience presents a different picture. The Bennett-Lapid government, which was then described as a "government of change," witnessed continued settlement construction, continued military incursions, and no serious political process launched with the Palestinians. Therefore, a change in government was not reflected in a change in basic policies, but in the level of discourse and the nature of the relationship with the international community. The mistake many observers make is to reduce Israeli politics to the personality of the prime minister, while experience reveals that the security and military establishment, party coalitions, and social transformations within Israel all push towards policies that are difficult for any prime minister to overcome. This explains the statements of Ashkenazi, also a candidate to succeed Netanyahu, who focused in his speech to Israeli society that his program is based on continuing to strengthen settlements "in Judea and Samaria," i.e., the West Bank, with continued operations by the occupation army throughout the West Bank on a nightly basis, as he put it, to eliminate what he called "Palestinian terrorism" and ensure Israel's security. However, he also spoke of personal inclinations towards improving the Palestinian economic situation by allowing 100-150 thousand Palestinian workers to enter Israel daily, as well as helping the Palestinian Authority to survive by solving the clearing problem, even if he did not explicitly address it, but he believes that economic stability leads to security stability. In contrast, he did not propose any program related to the political path and a return to negotiations, which means that the Israeli mind is based on a clear strategy: "no Palestinian state within the June 4, 1967 borders" since the early founders, through Rabin and Peres, and to this day. Therefore, Netanyahu's potential departure may change the form of the government, reduce internal polarization, and perhaps restore some harmony with Western allies, but it does not necessarily mean a strategic shift in the position on occupation, settlements, or the Palestinian state. However, the main concern of whoever comes after Netanyahu is to restore Israel's shattered image after the war of extermination in Gaza and the West Bank, where the false Israeli narrative was exposed and surpassed by the Palestinian narrative in image, sound, and political discourse by Palestinian analysts and thinkers and observers from Arabs and non-Arabs of the massacres and ethnic cleansing taking place in occupied Palestine. In light of the upcoming Israeli elections, it seems that the most important question is not: "Who will succeed Netanyahu?" but: "Is there still an Israeli majority willing to pay the price of a political settlement?" So far, indicators suggest that the electoral competition revolves within camps that differ in managing the conflict, but do not differ much on the continuation of security control and the refusal to make fundamental concessions to the Palestinians. Therefore, Palestinian reliance on changing individuals alone may lead to a repetition of past disappointments, unless it is based on an accurate reading of the structural transformations that have reshaped Israeli politics in the last two decades. Developments related to the recent elections indicate that the current competition focuses on leading the state and managing internal crises and war, more than on reviving the peace process or adopting a new political project towards Palestinians. * Head of the Media File in the National Popular Conference for Jerusalem

Extremism in Israel is no longer limited to political discourse or election campaigns; it has translated into official policies and government projects that reflect an unprecedented moral and human decline. The project launched by National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, known as "Crocodile Prison," is not merely a security measure, as the government claims. Rather, it is an explicit expression of the mentality of revenge and humiliation that has come to control Israeli decision-making, and of a government that sees the Palestinian only as an enemy deserving the harshest forms of punishment, even if it contradicts law and humanity.The commencement of excavation work around Ketziot Prison, the allocation of millions of shekels to implement the project, and the amendment of wildlife laws to permit the use of crocodiles in security facilities are all indications that Israel is not treating the idea as a joke or media propaganda, but as an official project that reflects the tendencies of the most extreme government in its history.The government led by Benjamin Netanyahu, dominated by far-right ministers, no longer hides its philosophy based on collective punishment, dehumanizing Palestinians, and turning them into a permanent target for revenge. Since October 7, punitive measures against Palestinian prisoners have escalated unprecedentedly, from deprivation of food, treatment, and visits, to physical assaults and daily humiliation, and now to considering the use of predatory animals as part of the deterrence system.The idea of surrounding prisons with crocodiles adds nothing to the Israeli security system, which is considered one of the most advanced in the world, equipped with cameras, electronic fences, surveillance devices, and guard towers. Therefore, talk of "enhancing security" seems merely a cover for a policy whose real goal is to instill psychological terror and send a message that Palestinians do not deserve even the minimum human dignity.What is more alarming is that such projects do not face widespread rejection within Israeli society; rather, they often receive support from large segments of public opinion, especially within right-wing and hardline nationalist circles that see every measure against Palestinians as a cause for celebration. Multiple opinion polls during the war on Gaza have shown widespread support for tightening military and punitive measures, reflecting significant backing for stricter policies towards Palestinians, even though Israeli society's stances are not unified and also include voices opposing these policies. This reveals the extent of the shift in public discourse, where calls for revenge are gaining increasing acceptance, while voices advocating for law and human rights are receding.This political and social climate is what allowed figures like Ben-Gvir and Smotrich to move from the margins of political life to the heart of power. These figures did not create this reality alone; rather, it resulted from a broader transformation within Israeli society that gave its trust to hardline right-wing parties, bringing them to decision-making positions, which was reflected in harsher policies towards Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank, and Jerusalem, as well as within prisons.It is no coincidence that the "Crocodile Prison" project faces objections from legal and environmental experts within Israel itself, who confirmed that the project lacks any scientific or professional basis, and that changing the classification of animals for security purposes may violate existing legal frameworks. However, these objections seem powerless before a government willing to change laws and bypass institutions when it comes to tightening penalties on Palestinians.The most dangerous aspect of this project is not the presence of crocodiles themselves, but the idea it represents. It reflects Israel's transition from a state that claims to respect the law, as they say, to an authority that uses intimidation and humiliation as official means to manage the conflict. It also reflects the decline of ethical considerations in the face of hate speech, where anything that achieves revenge becomes acceptable, even if it contradicts international conventions and the Geneva Conventions, which prohibit cruel or degrading treatment of detainees.It has become clear that the current Israeli government is not content with managing the conflict; it is actively fueling it through policies based on brute force, collective punishment, and the dehumanization of Palestinians. When state institutions become tools for producing fear and humiliation, they do not build lasting security but rather lay the groundwork for new cycles of violence and hatred.In conclusion, the "Crocodile Prison" project is not just a new chapter in the record of Israeli policies towards Palestinian prisoners; it is a title for a phase in which human values recede before the discourse of extremism and revenge. A state that harnesses its laws and institutions to legitimize unprecedented means of intimidation and torture reveals a deep moral crisis before it reveals security strength. The continued popular support for stricter policies, despite the presence of opposing Israeli voices, reflects the expanding influence of far-right discourse within society. History shows that societies that allow the normalization of humiliation and dehumanization of others do not guarantee themselves lasting security but open the door to further conflict, while respect for human dignity and the rule of law remains the true measure by which the civilization of nations is judged, not their ability to invent new means of revenge.

The crisis of Palestinian agriculture is not a crisis of seasons, nor a climate crisis, nor even a funding crisis. It is, at its core, a political and strategic crisis that reflects the nature of the conflict over land, economy, and sovereignty. Since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority after the Oslo Accords, agriculture has declined not only due to economic factors, but as a result of a complex interaction between systematic Israeli policies aimed at undermining the foundations of Palestinian production, and Palestinian policies that failed to transform agriculture into a fundamental pillar in the project of building the state and the national economy.

Historically, agriculture was not merely an economic activity for Palestinians; it was one of the most important tools for holding onto land and preserving the relationship between people and place. Therefore, targeting it was not just targeting a productive sector, but an assault on one of the foundations of national existence and steadfastness.

Perhaps the most dangerous outcome of the post-Oslo period was not only the re-division of Palestinian land into Areas (A), (B), and (C), but the reshaping of the Palestinian economy itself. The economy gradually shifted from an economy striving for production, despite limited resources, to a restricted economy increasingly dependent on imports, services, and aid, while productive sectors, primarily agriculture, declined.

Israel realized early on that control over land is not completed by walls and checkpoints alone, but by weakening the Palestinian's ability to invest in their land and remain on it. Therefore, Israeli policies towards the agricultural sector were not isolated measures, but part of a broader path to reshape geography and economy together.

Land confiscation, settlement expansion, control over water resources, restricting farmers' access to their lands, and controlling crossings and markets have made the agricultural sector operate within an environment lacking the foundations of economic sovereignty. Pressure tools did not stop at land and water, but extended to various links in the production process.

Agriculture begins before harvest; it begins with seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, equipment, and technology, and only ends with processing, marketing, and export. While the Israeli agricultural sector operates within an advanced system of research, development, control, and technical support, the Palestinian farmer often works in a more fragile environment, characterized by high costs, weak services, and varying quality of some agricultural inputs.

Many farmers point to the declining effectiveness of some agricultural inputs, such as pesticides, fertilizers, and seeds, and their high prices compared to production returns. This issue should not be treated as an individual complaint, but as an indicator of the need for an integrated national system for control, testing, and accreditation that ensures the quality of agricultural inputs and protects the farmer, producer, and consumer.

The effects of this problem are not limited to decreased productivity, but extend to increased risks of losing agricultural seasons, higher production costs, and a decline in the competitiveness of Palestinian products in local and foreign markets. The gap between Palestinian and Israeli agriculture lies not only in the type of inputs used, but in the entire production system; from scientific research and variety development, laboratories, and agricultural extension, to technology, financing, processing, and marketing.

Three Decades of Structural Decline

Economic indicators reveal the extent of the transformation that has affected the status of Palestinian agriculture over the past three decades. Agriculture's contribution to GDP declined from about 13% in the mid-1990s to about 6% in recent years. The percentage of workers in the agricultural sector also decreased from levels ranging between 12% and 16% during the early years of the Palestinian Authority to about 6%-7% in recent years.

These figures do not merely reflect economic changes, but reveal a deeper shift in the position of agriculture within the Palestinian economy; it moved from a central productive sector to a sector that lost part of its strategic weight due to political and economic restrictions, weak investment, and the absence of an integrated development vision.

Continued restrictions on land utilization, especially in classified Area (C), and increased reliance on food imports, have also made Palestinian food security more fragile in the face of political and economic crises.

However, reducing the crisis to the occupation alone, despite its primary responsibility, does not absolve the Palestinian side of the responsibility for review. After more than three decades, Palestinian policies have not succeeded in making agriculture a real national priority, nor has a vision been built that makes it part of an integrated economic project linking agriculture with industry, scientific research, innovation, technology, and value chains.

In political discourse, the Palestinian farmer has become a symbol of steadfastness, but steadfastness cannot remain a mere slogan. The farmer needs a production system that enables them to survive: water, land, reliable inputs, productive financing, and a fair market.

What has happened over the past decades can be described as a dual politicization of agriculture; on the one hand, Israel used agriculture as a tool to control land and markets and weaken Palestinian productive capacity, and on the other hand, Palestinian agriculture remained captive to crisis management and short-term projects, and did not become a central focus in the national development strategy.

The decline of agriculture was not just a loss for an economic sector, but an indicator of a broader imbalance in the Palestinian economic model; a model that became more dependent on imports, more linked to the Israeli economy, and less capable of building an independent productive base.

Therefore, saving agriculture should not be viewed as a limited sectoral policy, but as an entry point for rebuilding the national economy on the foundations of production, sovereignty, and self-reliance. Countries facing siege or conflicts do not abandon their productive sectors, but place them at the heart of their national strategies, because they realize that food security is an integral part of national security.

The issue today is not about increasing the number of greenhouses or distributing more seedlings or launching seasonal olive planting campaigns, despite their importance. The issue is deeper: it is about redefining the position of agriculture in the Palestinian national project.

Agriculture is not an administrative file belonging to a specific ministry, but a sovereign issue that intersects with land, water, energy, scientific research, investment, and food security.

This requires a shift from crisis management to a long-term productive strategy based on establishing a national fund for agricultural investment, strengthening agricultural scientific research and linking it to farmers' needs, developing food industries and value chains, building an effective national system for controlling agricultural inputs, and investing in smart farming technologies and sustainable water and energy management.

The future of Palestinian agriculture will not be decided in the fields alone, but in the nature of economic choices and national policies. Sovereignty is not measured only by who raises the flag over the land, but also by who has the ability to produce their food, protect their resources, cultivate their land, and transform their economy from a dependent consumer economy to a productive economy capable of steadfastness.

Restoring dignity to agriculture is not an issue for farmers alone, but it is restoring dignity to the idea of the state itself, and to the national liberation project in one of its most important economic manifestations. If the past three decades have shown how the occupation can use the economy as a tool for hegemony, then the next phase must prove that a productive economy, primarily agriculture, can be one of the most important tools for steadfastness, liberation, and building Palestinian sovereignty.

Days ago, Beijing announced two technological surprises that caused a stir in Silicon Valley. The first was the birth of a giant artificial intelligence language model called "Kimi Ki 3" from a startup company, which underwent the world's most important programming tests and outperformed some models from "Anthropic" and "OpenAI," proving its exceptional ability to analyze massive documents, reports, and long databases more than usual, which is attractive to companies.

The second surprise has a deeper impact due to its uniqueness. It is the launch of the "QiuShi" engine, developed by a team from "Zhejiang" University, as a specialized agent for independently conducting scientific research. It also outperformed "Open Science Desktop" and "Claude Code" systems from the American company "Anthropic" in the "Research Clo Bench" test, which was specifically designed to measure this type of intelligent skill and involved international companies.

For the first time, artificial intelligence proved its ability to act as a researcher who plans, conducts experiments, and corrects his own mistakes, like a graduate student. Therefore, the system was described as a "milestone" after successfully conducting a study by performing thousands of steps, from hypothesis formulation to experimental verification.

What concerns Silicon Valley giants is that China is no longer an imitator but is opening new fronts, with its comprehensive technological strategy. It is redefining standards and bringing about profound transformations by introducing a new way of building AI and its real-world applications.

The unveiling of the "Kimi Ki 3" system caused a real shock. It has become one of the largest open models, with a size of up to 2.8 trillion parameters, capable of handling very large and unprecedented contexts.

But more important than its skill in performing complex tasks and its high efficiency in utilizing resources is its low price, which is reminiscent of the cost-effective "DeepSeek" that shocked everyone on its announcement day. Therefore, even if Chinese models are not the smartest ever, their economic cost and open-source nature pose a real challenge and an attractive proposition for companies using AI.

The achievement of "QiuShi" attracted attention because it does not answer a scientific question based on what it has read or been provided with, but rather performs a series of interconnected steps, conducting experiments itself, analyzing results, and presenting conclusions and suggestions that were not previously put forward.

Chinese developers did not claim that their model would reliably succeed in all future tests it would undergo, and they admitted that it still needs training, qualification, and human intervention. However, it is an impressive step in scientific research and represents the beginning of a shift from "AI that assists the researcher" to "AI that leads the research itself," which is significant as it will make research advance at an unimaginable speed.

The two models reveal one aspect of China's multifaceted technological plan, which attempts to cover various fields and is not content with excelling in building language models. "Kimi Ki 3" competes in a known arena, while "QiuShi" is a breakthrough in a different arena, making us wonder: Can a machine become an actual researcher, or will it remain merely an assistive tool? And the success of both projects in close proximity by two completely different teams in their nature of work, i.e., through a startup on one hand and an academic university team on the other, is what gives the topic its importance and shows us that we are not facing two isolated announcements, but rather this is an indicator of an integrated system moving in multiple directions.

China has trained some of these advanced models on local processors from "Huawei," "Alibaba," and others. It still bets that through superior engineering skill, it can compensate for its lack of computing power and its weakness in the field of chips.

In China, nothing happens by chance. "QiuShi" was launched simultaneously with the World Artificial Intelligence Conference in Shanghai, where Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the start of a new global alliance to regulate AI to serve "common prosperity," with the clear goal of portraying China as a global technological power, not just a marginal competitor.

The next phase will be exciting because the competition will not be limited to developing smarter language models like "ChatGPT" and "Claude," as that has become self-evident. The real race will be to launch new super-intelligent specialized agents in science, medicine, and engineering, similar to "QiuShi." And perhaps another issue will come into play: who is more worthy of users' trust, in terms of safety, reliability, and personal privacy.

From "Asharq Al-Awsat"

The UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in the Palestinian territories, Francesca Albanese, issued strong warnings about the rapidly deteriorating security situation in the occupied West Bank. Albanese affirmed that settler attacks have reached dangerous levels, calling on the international community to intervene immediately to deploy a protective presence to safeguard Palestinian civilians from systematic assaults.

In an escalatory move, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu issued directives to establish new settlement outposts deep in the West Bank, in response to confrontations that resulted in the deaths of two Israelis. These decisions come amidst a charged atmosphere following the martyrdom of four Palestinians in clashes near the 'Havat Gilad' settlement and the village of Tel, occupied since 1967.

The town of Aqraba, south of Nablus, witnessed a widespread attack carried out by more than 200 settlers under the protection of the occupation army, leading to the complete and partial burning of three homes. Local sources reported that settlers targeted facilities and vehicles, while residents were unable to accurately assess the damage due to the army's incursion into the town after the settlers withdrew.

In a related context, the village of Surra, southwest of Nablus, was subjected to brutal attacks including the burning of six homes and five vehicles, in addition to setting fire to dozens of agricultural dunams. The attack resulted in three citizens sustaining various injuries due to severe beatings by armed settler groups who stormed the area.

Attacks were not limited to Nablus but extended to villages east of Qalqilya, where eight Palestinians were injured in the village of Fara'ata, six of whom were hit by live ammunition. Eyewitnesses described what happened as a bloody day par excellence, as groups of masked and armed settlers spread out in the fields and main roads to terrorize the residents.

On the ground, occupation forces imposed a tight siege on Nablus Governorate, closing all roads leading to the town of Huwara, which isolated the governorate from its surroundings. This closure coincided with Israeli threats to launch a large-scale military operation in the area, including an arrest campaign targeting a number of citizens in the affected villages.

Medical sources reported that a Palestinian sustained serious head injuries while confronting settler attacks, while ambulances were heavily pelted with stones at the Za'atara checkpoint. Settlers attempted to obstruct the access of medical teams to the injured by damaging vehicle tires, in a blatant violation of international laws that guarantee the protection of relief teams.

In the village of Tel, a state of sadness and anger prevailed following the martyrdom of four citizens from one family by occupation and settler bullets, amid accusations of carrying out field executions. While the occupation claims that the martyrs carried out a shooting operation, residents confirm that they were acting in self-defense against a sudden attack targeting their homes in the eastern part of the village.

Official Palestinian data indicates that settlers have carried out more than 3,500 attacks since the beginning of this year, most of which were concentrated in the governorates of Nablus, Ramallah, and Hebron. This escalation, according to observers, aims to create an expelling environment for the indigenous population to push them towards forced displacement and facilitate illegal settlement expansion operations.

For its part, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation condemned these attacks, holding the occupation authorities fully responsible for the consequences of this escalation, which is taking place under the protection of soldiers. The organization warned that the continuation of this policy will lead to more violence and instability in the entire region, calling on the UN Security Council to assume its responsibilities.

In Jordan, Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi warned against pushing the West Bank towards a comprehensive explosion due to unilateral Israeli measures and the continued terrorism of settlers. Safadi affirmed that the absence of international accountability encourages the occupation to proceed with settlement and displacement policies that undermine the chances of a just peace.

Villages south of Nablus are living in a state of cautious anticipation amid the continued Israeli military build-up and threats to raid the homes of martyrs in the village of Tel. Citizens fear a new wave of night attacks that settlers may launch on isolated villages that lack security protection, while occupation forces are busy securing settler movements.

Videos circulated by activists documented moments of settlers attacking citizens' property in the village of Jit, where flames were seen rising from agricultural facilities. The videos show the participation of occupation soldiers in providing protection to settlers while they carry out burning and sabotage operations, which refutes the official narrative about attempts to control violence.

The scene in the West Bank remains open to all possibilities, with the Israeli government's insistence on legitimizing settlement outposts and expanding settler influence. Palestinians believe that their steadfastness on their land is the last line of defense against annexation and displacement plans that have accelerated at an unprecedented pace in recent months.

Gangsters of terrorist settlers, backed by Israeli soldiers, are literally calling for bloodshed in the West Bank.

In an unprecedented move, the Assembly of States Parties to the International Criminal Court decided to remove Prosecutor Karim Khan from his position after a vote held at the United Nations headquarters in New York. The decision was supported by 82 out of 125 member states of the Court, during a secret ballot held in a special closed meeting to discuss the recommendations of the Court's oversight body.

This dismissal comes against the backdrop of accusations leveled against the 56-year-old British official, related to inappropriate sexual conduct with a junior staff member on his team. Despite Khan's categorical denial of these allegations, the majority of member states relied on the results of investigations that recommended ending his tenure to ensure the integrity of the international institution.

For its part, the legal team of the ousted prosecutor quickly announced its rejection of the decision and challenged its legitimacy, describing the procedures as unfair and not based on tangible material evidence. Lawyer Tayeb Ali affirmed that his client would pursue all available legal avenues to restore his reputation and refute what he described as false allegations that have affected his professional career.

In the first official reaction, the Israeli occupation authorities welcomed the dismissal decision, with Foreign Minister Gidon Sa'ar considering this step to reveal what he called Khan's 'moral bankruptcy'. Israel attempted to leverage this development to push for the cancellation of the arrest warrants issued against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.

Sa'ar claimed in his statements that the arrest requests submitted by Khan were an attempt to cover up his personal misconduct, which he feared would be exposed to the public. The Israeli minister demanded that the Court immediately retract the warrants, considering them 'politicized and disgraceful' and not falling within the jurisdiction of the International Court, as Israel is not a member of it.

Despite Israeli pressure, legal sources confirmed that the arrest warrants remain legally valid and are not automatically affected by the departure of the prosecutor. The sources clarified that Pre-Trial Chamber I is the judicial body that issued the warrants based on criminal evidence, and only the judges of the Court themselves have the authority to withdraw or cancel them.

The International Criminal Court had previously settled the issue of its territorial jurisdiction, affirming its authority over crimes committed in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. This decision came after the State of Palestine joined the Rome Statute, granting the Court the right to prosecute those responsible for war crimes in those areas.

In a related context, Israel's envoy to the United Nations, Danny Danon, exploited the dismissal decision to attack the Court and the prosecutor, claiming that Khan tried to use the 'campaign against Israel' as a shield to protect himself. Danon also issued veiled threats to some local officials in New York who called for the implementation of international arrest warrants if Netanyahu visited the city.

The International Criminal Court is currently facing existential challenges, especially with the United States announcing its intention to launch a broad diplomatic campaign to dismantle the Court. Washington, which previously imposed sanctions on Khan and other judges, views the Court's actions as a threat to its sovereignty and the sovereignty of its allies in the region.

It is worth noting that the arrest warrants issued in November 2024 accuse Netanyahu and Gallant of responsibility for war crimes including the use of starvation as a weapon, murder, and persecution. The Court found reasonable grounds to believe that the Israeli leaders deliberately directed attacks against the civilian population in the Gaza Strip during ongoing military operations.

Karim Khan is the third prosecutor of the International Criminal Court since its inception, but he is the first to leave his post through the dismissal mechanism by the Assembly of States Parties. The Court is expected to soon begin complex procedures to select his successor, amidst sharp international polarization over the Court's role in major conflicts.

Reports indicate that the process of electing a new prosecutor may take a long time, which could place the Prosecutor's Office under interim management for a period that may extend into next year. Observers fear that this leadership vacuum could slow down the pace of ongoing investigations into sensitive cases, especially the Palestinian file and the war in Ukraine.

Despite Washington and Tel Aviv not being members of the Court, the pressure exerted by the two countries has clearly affected the political climate surrounding the Court. European member states of the Court remain divided between commitment to the independence of international justice and consideration of strategic alliances with the United States and Israel.

The question remains in the halls of the Court in The Hague about the institution's ability to withstand these violent administrative and political upheavals. While some see Khan's dismissal as a victory for the Court's internal justice, others fear that the decision could be the beginning of a phase of retreat in prosecuting leaders of major countries and their allies.

Khan will challenge the legality and fairness of the decision through all available judicial mechanisms.