There is a near consensus among Palestinians that the American-Israeli plan regarding the Gaza Strip and the cessation of war is extortion and a plan to liquidate the Palestinian cause.
However, it is strange that the majority of voices calling for its rejection are from outside the Gaza Strip, which has paid and continues to pay the price in blood, loss of life, property, and the disappearance of families and children. They are the ones who have bled, and it is their right to make the decision.
Despite the shock that accompanied the announcement of the American-Israeli plan, a realistic reading compels us to look not only at what has been said but also at what can be achieved on the ground and what can be built politically and nationally, without falling into the trap of surrender or denial.
After two years of genocidal war on Gaza, where tens of thousands of martyrs and wounded have fallen, entire cities have been wiped out, and the siege and starvation have tightened, Palestinians find themselves facing an international plan that promises—at least—to stop the war and return life, but at the same time carries many issues and pressures.
However, amid all this, there is a positive point that should not be underestimated: the plan guarantees an immediate ceasefire, the entry of urgent humanitarian aid, the stabilization of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, and the prevention of the mass displacement scenario that the Israeli right has long promoted. This space granted for people to remain on their land is not a trivial detail but a real salvation for the identity of the Gaza Strip and the right of the Palestinian people to live on their land. It is a historic moment in which stopping the war can become, despite everything around it, a starting point to test the Palestinians' ability to rebuild, restore life, and cling to their rights.
Stopping displacement first, then we continue the path.
No one denies that the provisions of the plan are in favor of Israel and carry the features of political and security impositions in their background. But the reality is more complex than to be reduced to a "yes" or "no" stance.
Stopping displacement and preventing ongoing genocide must be a national and humanitarian priority. Preserving the Palestinian presence in Gaza is, in itself, a fundamental pillar for keeping the Palestinian cause alive and open, not closed in a document imposed by force. Accepting a ceasefire does not mean accepting the liquidation of the cause; rather, it can be a tactical decision to protect people and cling to the land while continuing the political and diplomatic struggle to reject the remaining provisions that undermine rights.
It is important to remember that the survival of people in what remains of their homes, properties, and belongings, on their soil, is a real victory in the face of projects of emptying, replacement, and displacement. If the war truly stops, Gaza will face a major national task: rebuilding life, restoring dignity, and regaining a minimum of hope. The entry of aid and the opening of crossings—if only partially—can make a tangible difference in people's lives. It gives the Palestinian community a chance to catch its breath after years of siege and destruction, to rebuild itself politically, economically, and socially.
This phase may be an opportunity to rethink the management of Gaza in a more effective and participatory manner, away from divisions and factional conflicts, and under an agreed-upon national umbrella.
It is not enough for criticism and rejection to be limited to slogans and media outrage from outside Gaza; rather, Palestinians in the diaspora and Arabs who are shouting today against the plan must direct this anger towards their governments and institutions. The plan seeks, in its essence, to empty and weaken any capacity for political and social resistance to endure, and thus the duty requires actual movements: continuous protests in front of embassies and parliaments, pressure on ruling parties, media and legal campaigns, and a halt to economic and political cooperation with those who contribute to the liquidation of rights.
Resistance is not limited to fighting alone; it is also civil and diplomatic resistance—keeping the cause alive and embarrassing those who support policies of displacement and liquidation. The people of Gaza have the right to correct their rejection of this plan, and it is our right to strengthen their position through our movements in our capitals and communities, not to be satisfied with mere condemnation.
The plan should not be treated as a political savior, nor should it be accepted as a permanent solution. Justice for the Palestinian cause cannot be achieved through submission, nor through projects that absolve
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