The craft of comedy is one of the most complex and challenging arts. The challenges lie not only in the performance, but also in the depth of the idea, the quality of the script, and the brilliance of the execution. Laughter is not merely a spontaneous reaction to a funny or absurd situation; rather, it is the product of a delicate interaction between several elements that harmonize to deliver a comprehensive experience combining the idea, the performance, and the audience's interaction. Although comedy may appear easy and simple from the outside, its creation and execution require exceptional talent and creativity.

One of the most significant challenges facing this industry in our country is the script, which is the cornerstone of any successful work. A weak script can weaken the impact of even the most talented actors. Overused ideas and reliance on conventional patterns diminish the appeal of a work, rendering it a mere repetition that fails to leave the desired impact. Therefore, innovation and the ability to capture the details of everyday life and transform them into vibrant comedic material are what distinguishes successful works from others.

Social and cultural changes play a significant role in shaping the contours of comedy, as comedic works must keep pace with ongoing shifts in thought, values, and language. True comedy is not merely a means of entertainment; it reflects the reality of society and its challenges in an intelligent and entertaining way. Therefore, constant renewal and engagement with these shifts are the key to continuity and the ability to touch the emotions of audiences of all generations.

The most important element in the success of any comedy is its ability to make the audience laugh without falling into the trap of vulgarity. The line between high-class comedy and vulgarity is thin, but it is also what determines the true value of the work. Providing laughter is a responsibility no less important than that of any other art form, providing people with moments of joy amidst the fast-paced pace of life, making comedy an essential and indispensable necessity.

The audience's role in shaping the trajectory of comedy cannot be overlooked, as it is the true measure of any work's success. With audience expectations constantly changing, what was funny yesterday may no longer be effective today. Therefore, comedy makers need to read viewers' tastes and understand their aspirations, without losing their creative edge.

There is no time with Netanyahu. Everything is moving in terrifying directions, all of which point to the nearness of his end. Therefore, he must make dramatic decisions through which he will try to reset the internal compass.

The budget and the Knesset mobilization announced by the opposition force Netanyahu to make difficult choices. He desperately needs the three MKs from Agudat Yisrael, who form the United Torah Judaism bloc with Degel HaTorah. The three extremist Hasidim, led by Minister Goldknopf, have so far refused to vote in favor of the budget unless the problem of the conscription-Haredi exemption law is resolved. Therefore, he needs an alternative, and this alternative is Otzma Yehudit, the party of Ben-Gvir, who left the right-wing government. For it to return, the fighting in Gaza must resume, and the expulsion plan announced by the leader of the largest gang, Trump, must be adopted as one of the goals of the war. In addition, courageous decisions must be made to dismiss Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara and the leaders of the military and security establishment. Herzi Halevi resigned. But the biggest knot in the entire system is the strongman Ronen Bar, the head of the Shin Bet, who refused to resign until he is sure that all The living and dead prisoners and detainees from Gaza, and until he is sure to form an official government committee to investigate the failure of October 7

Amidst this, a major case is emerging that could bring down Mr. Netanyahu even before the official investigation on October 7th. This is the “Qatargate” case, which unequivocally indicates that employees in Prime Minister Netanyahu’s office received Qatari money to improve its image. It is even said that the money was transferred through a company owned by Jonathan Urich, a senior adviser to Mr. Netanyahu who previously worked as a spokesman for the ruling Likud party. This money came under the pretext of improving Qatar’s image, but it appears that this money may have somehow ended up in the pockets of the prime minister, his wife, and his son Yair. Therefore, the Shin Bet is investigating the matter, which indicates the seriousness of the case.

Netanyahu is very concerned about the investigation being conducted by the Shin Bet at the request of the Attorney General, and he is afraid that some of the accused will turn into martyrs in a new case against Netanyahu, which could open the door to a new corruption file, but a file in the midst of slogans of "absolute victory" and "seven fronts", which could lead to the biggest case that will affect public opinion in the state of the entity, as the man who has so far obstructed the release of prisoners under flimsy pretexts is obtaining money from the state that is mediating in the prisoners' issue.

Nadav Argaman, the former head of the Shin Bet, knows Netanyahu well, knows his true colors, and knows his orientations, which have nothing to do with any strategy other than the strategy of remaining in office. Therefore, he broke his legal silence to issue a warning that whoever violates the law may push others to also violate the law. Netanyahu considered this an act of blackmail, and likened it to the methods of the mafia. However, the whole truth lies in the “Qatar Gate” affair. This affair terrified Netanyahu to the point that he is prepared to wage war with the Shin Bet organization, considering it a “life” war for him. A war that will be considered the last remaining nail in the deep state, the state that wants to prevent the collapse of law and democracy, and to preserve what remains of institutional work and the concepts of values, ethics, and behavior that were slaughtered from vein to vein in the war of extermination and ethnic cleansing in Gaza.

Netanyahu's announcement that he will propose the dismissal of the Shin Bet chief at the cabinet meeting next Wednesday, Ronen Bar's refusal to resign, the natural division in Israeli society and among the political elite, and the Attorney General's statement in a letter to Prime Minister Netanyahu that the dismissal requires legal justification and that this comes from her, and that the dismissal of the Shin Bet chief is the responsibility of the government as a whole and not the Prime Minister, indicates what Prime Minister Netanyahu and his ruling coalition are doing in terms of settling scores against everyone who tries to work to expose their corrupt reality and their aim to impose dictatorship on the state under the name of "parliamentary success" - that is, the concept of the majority in the Knesset, which can, under the banner of "the people's choice", impose whatever laws it wants, even if they conflict with the "Basic Laws", which can also be amended.

The battle will be great, and Netanyahu is betting on the so-called “patriotism” of the Shin Bet, which may prevent it from revealing many facts, under the pretext that this is against the law and its use is considered a crime that requires investigation and trial. This is in addition to increasing internal divisions in light of the difficult security conditions the country is experiencing after the “Al-Aqsa Flood.” Israeli political analyst Zvi Barel compared it to “Israel, more and more, looking like a chain of stores run by corrupt management, causing it to decline into the abyss, but it continues to open new branches, and suggests that business is going on as usual. Not only as usual, but it is stronger than ever. The Israeli empire is collapsing, but its branches in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria are thriving.”

But this "prosperity" that the empire is experiencing in what he called its branches is based on unlimited American and Western support. It cannot be considered purely Israeli, and this prosperity is what gives Netanyahu the power to make decisions that are largely to protect his own interests.

Netanyahu's battle with the most important organization in Israel will largely determine the nature of the country's future directions, and the extent to which the extremist and corrupt government will be able to control the country's resources as a whole, thus giving it the ability to survive longer. Indeed, this will lead to all state agencies being in the service of the Prime Minister's plans, especially his personal ones, because in all his decisions, "Netanyahu" is always looking for "Netanyahu."

The most important question remains: Is the deep state in the State of Israel being liquidated under the pretext of failure on October 7th?!!! And is Netanyahu thus establishing the greatest escape from any accusation of responsibility for the failure?!!! It seems that the "Qatar Gate" affair was the deciding factor because it appeared to be a slashing knife to Netanyahu's neck from the deep state. Netanyahu wanted to get two steps ahead of them and turn the conflict into the "Ronen Bar" affair, and divert attention from the central issue related to the Qatari funds file

When I first heard about President Donald Trump's "Gaza Riviera" plan, it brought back memories of Palestinian hopes three decades ago, during the height of the Oslo Accords. At the time, I was co-chairing Builders for Peace, a project launched by Vice President Al Gore to encourage American companies to invest in the Palestinian economy to support the nascent peace process.

We had prepared for our mission by reading the World Bank's comprehensive study of the Palestinian economy before Oslo. The observations and conclusions were sobering, yet hopeful. The report pointed to the obstacles to Palestinian economic development, such as Israel's control over Palestinian land, resources, and energy; its refusal to allow Palestinians to import and export independently; and the obstacles Israel placed on Palestinian movement and even trade within the occupied territories.

However, the bank concluded that if these Israeli restrictions on Palestinian entrepreneurs were removed, foreign investment would provide opportunities for rapid growth and prosperity. We also read the excellent study by Sarah Roy, an American political scientist, on the harsh measures Israel has taken to "impoverish" Gaza, preventing the development of an independent economy and reducing Palestinians to mere day laborers for low wages in Israeli factories or supervisors of small workshops producing goods for export through Israeli companies. We also made several exploratory visits to the occupied Palestinian territories to meet with Palestinian political and business leaders, to assess the opportunities and challenges we may face.

The picture quickly became clear to us. When it came time to launch the project, my co-chair, Mel Levin, and I led the first delegation of American businessmen (which included Arab and Jewish Americans) to the Palestinian territories. Our first taste of the problems we would face came when we tried to enter via the King Hussein Bridge from Jordan. American Jews and others were allowed to cross easily, while Arab Americans were separated from the group and subjected to humiliating inspections. We held a meeting in Jerusalem for Palestinians interested in meeting with American investors, but we discovered that Palestinians required a permit from the occupation authorities to enter the city. Since the permits only allowed them a few hours in the city, the time they could devote to our discussions proved limited.

Getting in and out of Gaza was also a major problem. One scene I saw upon leaving Gaza still sticks in my mind: hundreds of Palestinian men crammed into narrow corridors, waiting in the sun for permission to enter Israel. Young Israeli soldiers were shouting at them from above, ordering them not to look at them and to hold their permits above their heads. It was a deeply painful scene. In Gaza and the West Bank, our meetings with leading Palestinian businessmen were hopeful. They were eager to discuss possibilities with their American counterparts, and the Americans were impressed. We also discussed several potential partnerships. Two projects stood out. One aimed to manufacture leather goods, the other to assemble furniture. Both relied on Gaza's proximity to Eastern Europe to export products there. But both failed because their success depended on Israel allowing the import of raw materials and the export of finished products.

It seems the Israelis might have been willing to accept such projects, but only on the condition that the Americans and Palestinians work through an Israeli intermediary, thus reducing the profitability of the projects. Even projects the US government attempted to implement failed. One day, I received a call from an official at the US Department of Agriculture, who told me that the department had provided 50,000 flower bulbs to Gaza to establish a flower export industry. However, he said that these bulbs had been stuck in an Israeli port for months and were rotting. He added that the department was prepared to send another 25,000 bulbs, but that this depended on the Israelis guaranteeing their entry.

This did not happen because Israel did not want any competition from its flower export industry and therefore did not allow a competing Palestinian industry to emerge. After years of frustration, I met with President Bill Clinton, who asked me about the project's progress. I told him about the Israeli obstacles to investment in independent Palestinian economic development.

He looked concerned and asked me to write him a detailed memo. In my letter to the president, I outlined the problems we were facing and complained that his peace team was not taking these challenges seriously, arguing that any American challenge to the Israelis would hinder efforts to negotiate peace. I told the president that Palestinian unemployment had doubled since Oslo, poverty rates had risen, and Palestinian hopes for peace had evaporated.

To my surprise, the response I received from the White House appeared to have been orchestrated by its peace team, not a response at all. At the end of Clinton’s first term, Builders for Peace was dissolved, along with hopes for independent Palestinian economic growth. Over the next decade, with no American pressure on Israel to change its behavior, negotiations continued to falter, the Palestinians became poorer, Israel grew more arrogant and repressive, and Palestinian frustrations mounted, leading to renewed violence. There is another memory from that period that bears recalling. One of the most promising projects supported by Builders for Peace was a proposal by a Virginia-based Palestinian-American company to build a Marriott resort on the Gaza beachfront. After securing initial investment, the company began construction, starting with the foundations and a large parking lot. Given the risk, they requested risk insurance from OPIC, a U.S. government agency that insures investments against risk. The project received the support of then-Minister of Commerce Ron Brown, a supporter of Builders for Peace, and the blessing of PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat, who saw the hotel as a cornerstone for future Palestinian economic growth.

When Yasser Arafat spoke to us about the future of Gaza, he said that if it had investment and freedom from occupation, it could become “Singapore.” If it were deprived of those, it would resemble a failed state. Israel has done everything it can to prevent a “Singapore” scenario—and it seems to have succeeded. Given this reality, it was painful to hear about Trump’s plan to build a “Gaza Riviera” with American ownership. It reminded me of what could have been, but three decades later, it is being floated with little benefit to the Palestinians.

Since the end of the first phase of the exchange deal, we have witnessed a frantic race between reaching an agreement to complete the commitments of the first phase and implement the second phase, which is what Hamas is demanding; extending the first phase, which is what the Trump administration and the Netanyahu government are striving for; or renewing the war, which the Israeli government, especially Benjamin Netanyahu and the more extremist ministers, prefers. This is because they are betting on their ability to achieve the war's goals, ensure the government's survival, and avoid its collapse, in addition to facing the repercussions of the war on them, starting with the historic failure of October 7, and continuing with the ongoing failure to resolve it and achieve all of its goals.

Where could the negotiations go? It's impossible to say for certain. Reaching a formula for extending the first phase, while emphasizing the link to the requirements of the second and third phases, is the most likely scenario. It's important to consider the factors and variables that contribute to the realization of each scenario (renewal of the war, reaching a new agreement based on extending the first phase, implementing the second phase, or continuing the stagnation in the same place, as has been the case since the end of the first phase).

The implementation of the second phase scenario can be ruled out without too much risk, as the ongoing negotiations centered on extending the first phase have already made progress. These negotiations are centered on the formulas circulating, formally by US envoy Steve Witkoff and actually by the Israeli government, and have moved beyond the implementation of the second phase. This would not have happened were it not for the blatant bias of Trump and his envoys toward the Israeli position.

This is evident not only in the bypassing of the original agreement and the attempt to impose the issue of an agreement to extend the first phase only, but also in the support for the imposition of a stifling blockade, which constitutes a war crime and a form of renewed war.

The Trump administration is worse than its predecessor.

I point this out to warn against the frenzy of exaggerating the positivity and flexibility of Trump and his envoys, and the differences between the current administration and the previous one, especially after he abandoned his call for the displacement of Gaza as if it were the standard. Yes, Trump does not favor war, and this is what allowed for an agreement and what could allow for a new one. But he wants peace through strength—that is, peace that achieves American and Israeli goals. This should not be considered a virtue unless it is accompanied by a change in goals, specifically if Palestinian demands and rights are recognized. For example, recognizing Hamas, if it occurs, is not enough, especially if it is in exchange for changing Hamas and creating a new Hamas, by halting resistance through a long-term truce. What is required is recognition of Palestinian rights, at least at their minimum, as recognized by international law: the right to self-determination, the right of return, ending the occupation and independence, and holding the occupation accountable for its crimes, especially the war of genocide, mass destruction, displacement, and collective punishment.

What lends credibility to the above is that the American demands in the new era did not include any response to Palestinian interests and rights, even when Adam Boehler opened a negotiating channel with Hamas. This is an important variable that should not be ignored or exaggerated, as he claimed that Hamas had agreed to a long truce, to stay away from politics, and to disarm. Some forgot this and focused on his statement that they are good people and not devils with horns on their heads, and that America is not an agent of Israel (he retracted this statement after the Israeli reaction, but he was nevertheless relieved of his mission, which led to his withdrawal).

The Trump administration holds Hamas responsible for the failure to reach an agreement, in addition to Witkoff's recent, highly biased statements regarding Hamas's two-faced nature both inside and outside of the negotiations, and its threat to set a timetable for the conclusion of the negotiations, or else Washington would support the Tel Aviv government's preparations to resume the war.

Although Hamas denied Boehler's statements regarding its withdrawal from politics and disarmament, it confirmed that it had offered a long-term truce lasting 5-10 years, and perhaps longer. It expressed its willingness, as stated in statements attributed to its leadership, to provide all necessary guarantees for its commitment to the truce's continued implementation, including supervision of implementation by countries friendly to Israel and the United States, the non-training and arming of elite forces, and the establishment of a formula for the handover of rocket and mortar weapons.

Legitimate questions

The issue of a long-term truce raises significant questions, given the existence of a settler colonialism that seeks no settlement, and whose tools include occupation, ethnic cleansing, displacement, and annexation, and which is carried out by a single faction, without linking it to halting the plan to liquidate the Palestinian cause, particularly with regard to annexing the West Bank or ending the occupation and establishing a Palestinian state. This is a very dangerous matter.

It is true that the late Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, Hamas's founder and leader, proposed the idea of a long-term truce, but only in exchange for the establishment of a Palestinian state along the 1967 borders. This idea was reiterated by various Hamas leaders and spokesmen after him. However, this differs from what is being proposed now, as it is being proposed in exchange for a ceasefire, withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, reconstruction, and the continued existence of Hamas, albeit in a new form.

The first question: What will be the fate of the resistance under a long-term truce? What is meant here is not only armed resistance in the Gaza Strip, but also armed resistance in the West Bank and elsewhere. Israel will not agree to Hamas's commitment to the truce being limited to the Gaza Strip while it engages in armed resistance in the West Bank, even if a new Hamas emerges in a new guise (a new political party). This is a major challenge that opens the way for discussion of the fate of armed resistance at this stage.

The second question: What is the fate of the Palestinian Authority in the Gaza Strip? Will there be self-rule in the Strip under Arab and international supervision, completely separate from the West Bank, thus consolidating the separation? Or will there be some formal connection between the Strip and the densely populated enclaves in the West Bank, which the occupation plans to complete after annexing large areas of the West Bank?

The occupation, as is well known, prefers to seize the largest possible area of land with the smallest possible population. No one can imagine that the occupying state, backed by the Trump administration, would allow, through negotiations, the establishment of a sovereign state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, or in the Gaza Strip alone. This would only happen if forced to do so.

The third question: What will happen to the unity of the cause, the land, the people, and the unified representation represented by the PLO? What will happen to national unity, which will be torn apart into further fragments if a long-term truce is reached by one faction without a comprehensive agreement that includes the establishment of a Palestinian state?

Fourth question: What is the fate of the Arab Summit initiative, which has gained almost universal support? This initiative is based on a series of pillars, including those related to a ceasefire, Israeli withdrawal, and prisoner exchange; those related to the implementation of the Egyptian recovery and reconstruction plan; those related to the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip after a transitional period; and the establishment of a Palestinian state.

Unity, unity before the destruction of Basra

Yes, Hamas bears some responsibility for the failure to achieve unity, because it has always prioritized maintaining its control over Gaza over all else and has not given the necessary central attention to the goal of ending the occupation and achieving independence. However, it does not bear this responsibility alone. Rather, President Mahmoud Abbas, by virtue of his legitimacy, capabilities, and powers, bears the primary and greatest responsibility. This is because he has closed off all possibilities for achieving partnership, whether through national consensus or elections, relying on the weight of Fatah, the PA, the PLO, and legitimacy. He "wants unity" that does not affect his absolute authority and control over decision-making. This does not achieve unity, but rather perpetuates hegemony, monopoly, and exclusivity.

Existential challenges and few opportunities

We are well aware of the importance and historicity of what has happened since the Al-Aqsa Intifada until now, and that it was a reaction, but what has resulted has been a catastrophe, heroism, grave and existential challenges, and few opportunities. The conclusive evidence of this is that the options available to the Palestinians now, and to Hamas in particular, are very limited. Negotiations revolve around returning things to the way they were, and preventing displacement, starvation, thirst, and the renewal of the war of extermination. Hamas is required to surrender or hand over everything gradually or all at once to an authority that does not believe in unity and partnership and does not take the initiative to do so, as it expects the gains to fall into its lap without real effort or a comprehensive vision. It can either disarm and save its head by leaving the Gaza Strip, or it can remain, but in a new guise and without resistance, and under a long-term truce agreement, after it releases prisoners and provides security in the Gaza Strip, as it is the de facto authority that has no alternative, at least for a long time. Or it can renew the war of extermination with a greater American partnership than before.

In this regard, it makes no sense to ask what the occupying state will achieve by resuming the war, as it has unfulfilled objectives awaiting an opportunity to realize them. These objectives include completing the genocide and displacement, eliminating the resistance, releasing prisoners, destroying Hamas's governmental capabilities, reoccupying the Gaza Strip, settling it, and annexing parts of it. If it receives an American green light, it will not hesitate long to launch a war.

Yes, there are factors hindering the renewal of the war. Among them is that the US administration does not favor it, as it has other priorities in the region that require stability to maximize investment and profits. The occupation army is also depleted, to the point that 50% of reservists are not responding to the call to join the army, after having responded at the beginning of the war to over 90%. Furthermore, the majority of Israeli public opinion favors the release of prisoners and an end to the war now, with each development to be discussed later.

A very important factor is that the Palestinian people are steadfast despite the heavy losses, and the resistance is prepared to continue the struggle and inflict further losses on the occupying forces. This factor has multiple regional and international implications, including the renewal of the Yemeni support front, and the possibility of the situation collapsing in Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq, and even a confrontation with Israel from Egypt and Jordan.

All of the above makes the scenario of reaching a ceasefire the most likely, but the possibility of renewed war should not be completely ruled out, especially since it has begun to loom large in the form of the stifling blockade and the shelling and gunfire that are leading to a number of Palestinian martyrs daily due to "Israeli violations."

There was and still is one option that reduces risks, challenges and losses and increases opportunities, which is Palestinian unity in the face of common existential threats. It would have been more effective (and still is necessary) to form a national consensus government based on a realistic national program, with a national frame of reference represented by a single and unified PLO, in addition to forming a single Palestinian delegation to negotiate not only the war and its repercussions, but also by linking this to the political horizon, ending the occupation and embodying independence. In this case, the issue of resistance, forms of struggle, the truce and the political horizon would be part of a comprehensive national vision subject to a single strategy and leadership.

Barter between the West Bank and Gaza

It is extremely dangerous for the division to persist, deepen, and become widespread, as we observed in the angry, irrational, and even stupid reaction of the official leadership to the opening of a US-Hamas negotiation channel. Instead of using the Hamas-US negotiation to overturn the US-Israeli veto on national unity, we found the fear of bypassing the leadership if it led to US recognition of Hamas, which would destroy the unity of representation. Even if matters did not immediately reach this point, reaching an agreement on Gaza, separated from the rest of the issues and from what is happening in the West Bank, would be a kind of barter between the West Bank and Gaza, without real freedom and independence in Gaza. In other words, we would be facing the loss of the Palestinian cause, and this is something Hamas would find difficult to agree to, as if it did, it would prefer its survival over the cause for which it is fighting.

Will the curtain fall on the Palestinian national movement?

Is there a glimmer of hope before the axe falls on the head, or has the contemporary Palestinian national movement, with its various components, reached its final chapter? This is evidenced more than anything else by the looming specter of guardianship and alternatives, as is evident in the exclusion of the Palestinian state from the negotiating table, the exclusion of Palestinian participation several times from meetings and summits discussing the Palestinian issue, and from discussing new formations that would deepen the separation between the West Bank and Gaza and block the path to establishing a Palestinian state. This will happen unless something positive happens suddenly in the last moments, but despite its gravity, it will pave the way for launching a new national movement capable of completing or achieving what the previous movement failed to achieve. There is the Palestinian people, the people of giants, determined to regain their rights and rise from the ashes, as they have always done for more than 100 years until now, and as long as this is the case, the banner of their struggle will remain raised.

US State Department spokeswoman Tammy Bruce said on Wednesday that her government is deeply concerned about the humanitarian tragedy plaguing Gaza and its people due to hunger, thirst, and the resumption of war, but that the blame for all of this lies with Hamas.

In response to a question from a Jerusalem correspondent at a press conference in the ministry's press conference room regarding the killing of more than 180 Palestinian children, as a result of Israel's use of American warplanes - about 100 aircraft - to bomb Gaza, which has no surface-to-air defenses at all, and regarding the humanitarian issue, exacerbated by the halt of aid, and whether the United States is concerned about a disaster upon a disaster, spokeswoman Bruce said: "The world's actions against what is happening make it clear that we will work to stop this. What I can tell you is that it is a disaster. There was a ceasefire on December 7 and October 7, 2023. There was a ceasefire, and it was violated with a massacre of 1,200 people, and the taking of more than 250 hostages. The remaining hostages are still in unknown circumstances. Aidan Alexander certainly deserves freedom, but he has not received it yet."

“So when we think about why we are in this situation, let us not forget, it is important that we continue to remind people of the things that sparked this war, the horror of October 7, the horror of this mass slaughter that was captured on video, which included the slaughter of children, babies, women - the rape and murder of women in front of everyone; this cannot continue,” the spokeswoman added.

Tammy Bruce explained her administration's position, saying: "What is happening is horrific. We are in the 21st century, and the brutality unleashed by terrorist groups, by Iran's death squads, by actors who invest in endless suffering, and the use of people - especially the people of Gaza - as fuel for a mechanism that the world has condemned for decades, and we finally got here. We were tired of talking, and we moved to the second phase, but they (Hamas) rejected it. This was not a mechanism that would end with their explicit rejection, but they rejected it anyway. But President Trump and Secretary of State Rubio laid out a new vision for how to end this framework and this cycle of death and destruction, and we are still in that process. Hamas got an offer to bridge the gaps and end the suffering, but that is history. And so, we condemn - not only the loss of life and the impact on children around the world, but suffice it to say that President Trump has clearly focused on the need for peace on this planet in every way. And this approach will be successful because he (Trump) is known for delivering - he is known for getting results. He is known for his seriousness, and we are seeing progress in this area. So, it is unfortunate that Hamas allowed this to happen, and their behavior led to this suffering from the beginning. The Trump administration, Secretary of State Rubio, and the US State Department are determined to achieve peace, and they are working to ensure that this suffering stops. There is certainly a real opportunity at last to change what is happening in the world."

Regarding whether Secretary of State Marco Rubio has had any conversations with his Israeli counterparts since the recent Israeli attacks, and whether the administration is trying to ensure that Israel, (when launching these strikes using American weapons), is very careful in its targeting (of civilians in Gaza), the spokeswoman said: "I can assure you that our teams are in constant communication. There has not been any phone call arranged yet—a direct phone call—between Secretary Rubio and his Israeli counterparts or the Israeli leadership. But of course, this is not a situation where the teams working to change the environment stop working. So this is an ongoing effort—as you might imagine, an ongoing effort in every aspect of foreign policy, especially when it comes to war and ceasefires and ending conflicts... So they are constantly working. And we certainly always want peace. We work for this because we deplore the loss of life, as do the Israelis—all of these things happen and none of us want them to continue, and so it is always—it is difficult, but these conversations continue. And of course, we stand with Israel in all circumstances. They are our allies."

Bruce concluded her answer by stressing that proposals for reaching an agreement were still in place.

The Israeli occupation forces continued their aggression on the city of Tulkarm and its camp on Thursday for the 53rd consecutive day, while the assault on the Nur Shams camp entered its 40th day amid ongoing escalation, including raids, home demolitions, and the destruction of infrastructure.

Israeli bulldozers continued their demolition of several homes in the Manshiyya neighborhood of Nour Shams camp. The camp's Popular Services Committee stated that the occupation forces have destroyed 66 homes since the start of the aggression, while local sources confirmed that six residential buildings containing dozens of apartments were demolished yesterday.

The houses are owned by the families: Shihab, Al-Alameh, Al-Sa'aydeh, Abu Sha'la, Abu Abed, Al-Sayes, Al-Ghannam, Masharqa, Sheikh Youssef, and Al-Dabour.

Eyewitnesses confirmed that the camp is being subjected to daily bulldozing and demolition operations targeting homes and infrastructure, resulting in the complete destruction of its landmarks and the forced displacement of its residents, in an attempt to obliterate its identity and alter its geography.

In a related development, Nur Shams camp witnessed raids and house searches, specifically in the Jabali, al-Nasr, and al-Salihin neighborhoods. Israeli occupation forces also converted the Abu Diya family home into a military barracks in the Jabal al-Nasr area, as part of a recurring pattern of practices aimed at imposing greater control over the area.

In Tulkarm camp, the occupation forces fired flares last night over Abu al-Foul neighborhood, while the occupation military vehicles were deployed in its neighborhoods and around the houses, destroying everything in their path. Meanwhile, infantry units were stationed at the northern entrance to the camp, which the occupation bulldozers closed with rubble and earth mounds, while the occupation soldiers raided homes, shops and institutions, vandalizing and stealing their belongings.

The Al-Hadaida and Al-Matar neighborhoods also witnessed a large-scale forced displacement of citizens, along with the Qaqun, Abu Al-Foul, and Maraba'a Hanoun neighborhoods. Meanwhile, occupation forces raided homes in the Al-Raba'a neighborhood, conducting extensive searches inside them, and subjecting residents to interrogation. Meanwhile, the camp has become almost empty of its residents, following the displacement of more than 12,000 refugees.

Meanwhile, the occupation forces dispatched military reinforcements, including armored vehicles, to the city, its two camps, and its suburbs. Meanwhile, infantry units were deployed on the main streets, restricting the movement of vehicles and harassing civilians. They also fired sound bombs to terrorize the population.

Meanwhile, Israeli occupation forces continue to seize several homes on Nablus Street, specifically in the area adjacent to Tulkarm refugee camp. Their vehicles and bulldozers are positioned in the vicinity, amid strict measures restricting the movement of vehicles and civilians.

This morning, the occupation forces arrested Bashir Mahmoud Awfi, a citizen, after raiding a housing unit in the Aktaba suburb, east of the city.

These attacks come amid the ongoing escalation by Israeli occupation forces in the city of Tulkarm and its two camps, which has resulted in the deaths of 13 civilians, including a child and two women, one of whom was eight months pregnant. Dozens more have been injured and arrested, and more than 24,000 people have been forcibly displaced from the Tulkarm and Nur Shams camps.

The aggression also caused widespread destruction to the infrastructure, including water, electricity, sewage, and communications networks, as well as homes, shops, and vehicles, which were completely and partially demolished, burned, vandalized, looted, and stolen. The entrances and alleys of the camps were also closed off with earth mounds.

Israeli occupation forces stormed towns and villages in the Ramallah and Al-Bireh Governorate at dawn on Thursday.

According to local sources, occupation forces raided a number of citizens' homes during raids on the towns and villages of Bil'in, Deir Qadis, Kharbatha, Kafr Ni'ma, and Deir Bzei', northwest of Ramallah, and Ein Siniya and Jalazone refugee camp, north of Ramallah, without any arrests being reported.

From the moment Netanyahu was forced to sign the three-stage ceasefire agreement, to keep up with the raging Trump who wanted to enter the White House with his right foot, in response to the pledges he made to his Arab and Muslim voters to stop the war, the fox kept waiting for opportunities to incite him, with the help of his advisors who are skilled in the art of swaying the head of the always-fiery man, who can ignite at the first spark of fire, until he achieved his goal and was able to achieve his goal by appointing him as the guardian of hell, as he had previously promised, to build the Riviera on ruins and corpses.

At dawn on Tuesday, the gates of hell were opened by hundreds of aircraft, and fountains of innocent blood erupted in every house, tent, and street. The remains of infants and pregnant women were scattered, people were burned, and many of them died while sleeping in tents.

Katz's threat yesterday to displace and kill people, coinciding with the launch of a limited ground operation in Gaza, reveals further objectives behind the return to insane warfare, chief among them revenge against the people, not Hamas. He threatened to displace Gazans once again, while continuing to kill and destroy throughout the days of the failed truce.

"Bring back Ben-Gvir instead of bringing back the kidnapped soldiers," said a participant in the escalating protests in Tel Aviv. This adds further clarity to Netanyahu's goals: to preserve Smotrich's position and bring back Ben-Gvir, to ensure the consolidation of his coalition and the passage of the budget, for which Smotrich had made a return to war a condition.

The next phase is extremely dangerous, as the people of Gaza have become a prime target of renewed genocide, with the aim of killing them, displacing them, and destroying what remains of their homes.

May God help and protect our people from what is planned for them.

Dozens of civilians were killed and injured last night and early Thursday morning as a result of the continued shelling by the occupation forces on various areas of the Gaza Strip.

According to local sources, seven citizens were killed when the occupation forces targeted the Abu Deeb family's home in Bani Suhaila.

Eight civilians were also killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting the Abu Daqqa family's home in Abasan al-Kabira.

According to other local sources, a number of dead were killed when the occupation targeted Abdul Rahman Al-Majayda's home in Miraj, eight were killed when the Abu Daqqa family home was targeted, and three were killed when the Al-Amour family home was targeted in Al-Fakhari town.

Ten martyrs were killed when the occupation forces targeted the Jaber family's home in the Musbah area east of Rafah, and seven were killed when a house in the Al-Sultan neighborhood west of Beit Lahia was targeted.

The occupation forces resumed their aggression on the Gaza Strip at dawn last Tuesday, after a hiatus of more than two months. This resulted in the deaths of more than 400 civilians, the majority of whom were women and children, and hundreds more injured.

The resumption of aggression against the Gaza Strip comes amid fears of a worsening humanitarian situation in the Strip, given the ongoing blockade and the cut-off of medical and humanitarian supplies.

Since October 7, 2023, the occupying forces have launched an aggression against the Gaza Strip, resulting in the death of more than 48,572 citizens, the majority of whom were children and women, and the injury of 112,032 others, while a number of victims remain under the rubble.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tweeted about the "deep state," noting its support for Yemen in Israel and the United States.

Netanyahu tweeted this Wednesday evening about the "deep state": "In the US and Israel, when a strong leader from the right wins an election, the left-wing 'deep state' wrongfully exploits the justice system to thwart the will of the people."

He continued in the controversial tweet: "They will not win, neither in Israel nor in the United States. We stand strong together."

In response to Netanyahu, Israeli President Isaac Herzog tweeted from his official English account: “Israel’s strong and independent judicial system is an asset to our democracy, and the President of the State of Israel is very proud of it.”

Netanyahu's threats and the responses of Israeli politicians represent yet another round in his desperate defense of his position amid corruption allegations against him and those close to him. He is also attempting to preserve his coalition government, which is threatened with collapse due to the Israeli military's failure to achieve its objectives during the aggression against the Gaza Strip, and to justify his continued violations of the ceasefire.

Israeli occupation forces notified the demolition of more than 60 homes in Jenin camp on Wednesday evening.

Local sources said that the occupation forces distributed a map showing 66 homes in several neighborhoods of Jenin camp that the occupation authorities have decided to demolish.

She added that the demolitions will be completed within 24 hours, and include homes in the Hawashin neighborhoods, the vicinity of Azzam Mosque, Jourat al-Dhahab, and al-Samran, the Jenin Camp Club area, and the al-Aloub neighborhood.

The occupation forces carried out demolitions in a number of homes in the aforementioned neighborhoods.

According to the media committee in Jenin camp, the Israeli aggression caused partial or complete destruction to 512 homes and facilities in the camp.

Israeli occupation forces dispatched new reinforcements to the city of Jenin and the surrounding area of its camp on Wednesday evening.

Local sources said that military reinforcements, including vehicles, armored vehicles, water tankers, and electric generators, arrived in the city of Jenin.

According to other local sources, the sounds of heavy live fire can still be heard from inside Jenin camp since this morning.

The Israeli aggression on the city of Jenin and its camp continues for the 58th consecutive day, leaving 34 martyrs, dozens injured and detained, and widespread destruction to homes, property, and infrastructure. Meanwhile, the occupation forces have threatened to demolish dozens of homes in the camp.

US President Donald Trump has given Tehran two months to reach a new nuclear agreement before he launches military action against Iran's nuclear facilities, according to a letter he sent to Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

Axios reported on Wednesday, citing informed sources, that "Trump's letter to Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei included a two-month deadline to reach a new nuclear agreement."

According to the website, "It is not yet clear whether the countdown to the deadline begins from the time the letter is delivered or from the moment negotiations begin, but Iran's rejection of Trump's initiative and refusal to enter into negotiations could increase the likelihood of "American or Israeli military action against Iranian nuclear facilities."

Two weeks ago, Trump said in an interview with Fox News that he had sent a letter to Iran's Supreme Leader proposing "direct negotiations."

The next day, he said the United States was "in its final moments with Iran," adding, "They cannot be allowed to possess a nuclear weapon. Something will happen soon." He emphasized, "I would prefer a peace agreement, but the other option will solve the problem."

The Israeli occupation army dismissed two reserve officers from the intelligence and air force for refusing to participate in the genocidal war in the Gaza Strip. One of them described government ministers and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as "dirty traitors."

The private Israeli Channel 14 reported on Wednesday evening: "In the past 24 hours, the Israeli army has dismissed two reserve officers: a combat navigator and an officer in military intelligence (Aman)."

She explained that the army's decision came after the two officers posted on social media that they were refusing to serve in the current fighting in Gaza in protest against the Netanyahu government's policies.

The Israeli occupation army announced today the launch of a limited ground operation in the central Gaza Strip, noting that its forces had taken control of the central Netzarim axis in the Strip.

The army claimed that the operation's goal was to expand the defensive zone and establish a dividing line between the north and south of the Gaza Strip, as part of its ongoing military strategy.

The Israeli military leadership confirmed that operations against armed groups in Gaza would continue, claiming to protect the security of Israeli citizens.

The Israeli occupation army announced that its armored and infantry forces had begun limited ground operations and maneuvers in the north and south of the Gaza Strip over the past 24 hours, as part of expanding the scope of its military operations.

An Israeli military statement issued Wednesday evening stated that the operation aims to "expand the security zone and create a buffer zone between the north and south of the Gaza Strip," noting that Israeli forces have taken control of the central Netzarim axis in central Gaza.

It was also decided that the Golani Brigade forces would be stationed in the southern sector in preparation for carrying out military operations inside the Strip.

In the context of the military escalation, Israeli occupation aircraft launched a large-scale aggression on the Gaza Strip at dawn on Tuesday, resulting in the deaths of 460 Palestinians, including children, and the injury of more than 600 others, some of whom are in critical condition.

Since October 7, 2023, the occupation has continued its genocidal war in Gaza, with American support. The total number of martyrs and wounded has reached more than 161,000, most of whom are children and women, in addition to more than 14,000 missing amid massive destruction of the Strip's infrastructure.

Ibrahim Shatawi, deputy head of the Al-Ain Camp Services Committee, west of Nablus, said that Israeli occupation forces forced more than 80 families to flee their homes during the ongoing aggression on the camp.

He added in a statement to the WAFA news agency on Wednesday that the occupation forces are raiding homes inside the camp, searching and checking citizens' identities, forcing them to leave their homes, and arresting a number of them.

He noted that a number of displaced persons have sought refuge with relatives in neighborhoods within the city, and some have sought refuge in mosques, amid the ongoing Israeli aggression and the closure of all entrances to the camp.

The United Nations Office for Project Services said one of its staff members was killed on Wednesday by "explosive munitions" that may have "exploded or been dropped" on the UN compound in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip.

In a statement titled "UN Office for Project Services Colleague Killed at Agency Compound in Gaza," the agency said that "explosive munitions were dropped or fired at the facility and exploded inside the building," adding that at least five others were injured.

For his part, the office's Executive Director, Jorge Moreira da Silva, expressed his "deep shock and sadness" on Wednesday over the killing of one of his employees in Gaza.

"This was not an accident," da Silva said of the incident, adding, "I was shocked and deeply saddened by this tragic news."

The Ministry of Health in the Gaza Strip released a new death toll on Wednesday, showing that 970 people were killed in the space of 48 hours after Israel intensified its strikes on the Strip.

The death toll from the Gaza war, recorded by the ministry as of Monday afternoon, had reached 48,577. By Wednesday afternoon, the death toll had risen to 49,547, according to the ministry.

The UN Secretary-General's spokesman confirmed that thousands of Palestinians have been displaced from the Gaza Strip due to evacuation orders issued by the Israeli occupation, further exacerbating the humanitarian situation in the Strip.

He noted that 280 UN staff members have been killed in Gaza since October 7, 2023, stressing that the United Nations strongly condemns the attacks targeting its personnel and calls for a comprehensive investigation into these incidents.

In a related development, the spokesperson announced that a UNIFIL member was injured in a landmine explosion in Lebanon, stressing the need to respect UN Resolution 1701 to maintain security and stability in the region.

He also affirmed that UN Secretary-General António Guterres stresses the need to respect the ceasefire in Gaza to end the suffering of Palestinian civilians, calling for the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid to the Strip and the unconditional release of all detainees.

At least 10 civilians were killed Wednesday evening in an Israeli airstrike targeting Beit Lahia, north of Gaza.

According to local sources, Israeli aircraft targeted a mourning house belonging to the Mubarak family in the Sultans area of Beit Lahia, killing more than 10 people and wounding others, most of them seriously. All were transferred to the Indonesian Hospital.

Four civilians, including a child, were killed when the occupation forces bombed a tent in the city of Asdaa, northwest of Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip.

A child was killed Wednesday evening in an Israeli drone strike on the city of Asdaa, west of Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip.

According to local sources, the child Omar Qassim Talab Abu Sharqiya (two and a half years old) arrived at the Kuwait Specialized Hospital with critical head injuries as a result of the bombing, before his death was announced.

Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa discussed with a delegation from Tulkarm Governorate, in his office in Ramallah, on Wednesday, enhancing relief efforts for our people who were forcibly displaced from their homes as a result of the ongoing Israeli aggression on the city of Tulkarm and its two camps.

The delegation included Tulkarm Governor Abdullah Kamil, Fatah Regional Secretary in the governorate Iyad Jarad, and heads of the popular committees in Tulkarm camps Faisal Salama and Nour Shams Nihad Shawish. The delegation also included Ahmed Abu Holi, head of the Department of Refugee Affairs, Nasser Qatami, Prime Minister's Advisor for Arab Funds, and members of the Ministerial Committee for Emergency Action in the Northern West Bank.

The Prime Minister stressed the need for everyone to cooperate in shouldering their responsibility to provide relief to our people, particularly in the camps in the northern West Bank. He emphasized that sheltering the displaced is a top priority, along with continuing to provide emergency relief and preparing for the reconstruction phase, which will begin immediately after the withdrawal of the occupation forces from the camps.

The meeting focused on unifying efforts and intensifying action plans to establish new shelters and provide them with basic services. It was agreed to begin providing prefabricated homes (caravans) in conjunction with the preparation of appropriate land and necessary infrastructure, with these homes distributed across various locations.

A team from the Ministry of Public Works is leading the technical preparations for the establishment of these temporary centers for displaced families. This process is based on a census of families in need of temporary shelter conducted by the governorate's emergency committee, with active participation from the popular committees in the Tulkarm and Nur Shams camps.

The emergency committees in the northern governorates and the popular committees will work to meet the urgent needs of the displaced, utilizing emergency financial payments allocated by the government to address emergency needs in the northern West Bank governorates, in addition to other allocations disbursed to the municipalities of Jenin, Tulkarm, Qabatiya, Al-Far'a, and Tammun, to address the effects of the ongoing Israeli aggression on these areas.

In this context, the attendees stressed the need for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) to fulfill its responsibilities towards our people in the camps and to enhance its service and relief efforts for more than 40,000 displaced persons from the camps in the northern West Bank.

It's worth noting that the Ministerial Committee for Emergency Action, in cooperation with the governorate and local authorities, is in constant session and coordinating around the clock to adapt the necessary interventions to provide relief to our people who have been forced by the occupation to flee their homes in the camps in the northern West Bank.

Hundreds of activists in the Portuguese capital, Lisbon, participated in a mass demonstration called for by civil society organizations in Portugal, denouncing the Israeli occupation army's resumption of aggression against Gaza and in solidarity with our people.

Protesters gathered in central Lisbon, wearing Palestinian keffiyehs and holding signs reading "Ethnic cleansing is not self-defense" and "Stop Israeli genocide and illegal occupation," where a large Palestinian flag was placed. They called for an end to the genocide and for boycotts, sanctions, and divestment from Israel.

The Government Information Office in Gaza today condemned the Israeli occupation's targeting of the United Nations Office for Project Services, describing it as a "heinous crime."

The office affirmed that the occupation bears full responsibility for targeting humanitarian personnel in the Gaza Strip, considering that the failure to hold Israel accountable for its crimes encourages it to commit further violations against civilians and humanitarian infrastructure.

The office noted that the occupation continues to obstruct the entry of aid and bomb relief warehouses in an attempt to starve the Palestinian people and impose a catastrophic humanitarian reality on the Gaza Strip.

The office called on the United Nations to take a clear and strong position regarding the bombing of its Office for Project Services, calling for the formation of an international investigation committee to hold the occupation accountable for its ongoing violations against relief workers and humanitarian facilities.

Dr. Mohamed El-Tamawy: The escalation in Gaza has always been a tool for Israeli governments to reorder domestic priorities, but it has not achieved sustainable results.

Muhammad Hawash: This escalation comes as part of the Netanyahu government's efforts to appease the far-right parties calling for a return to fighting.

Muhammad Judeh: The Netanyahu government's policy of negotiating with fire aims to create a new reality on the ground that imposes negotiating conditions in its favor.

Talal Okal: The current escalation is part of Netanyahu's strategy to buy time, but it will not necessarily lead to a radical shift in the negotiating balance.

Yasser Manna: Israel is trying to evade the obligations of the first phase by pushing for a new agreement that goes beyond its obligations.

The latest Israeli escalation in the Gaza Strip comes after stalled negotiations that have stalled, without reaching the second phase of a prisoner exchange and ceasefire agreement. This attempt is aimed at imposing facts on the ground that will be reflected at the negotiating table.

Writers, political analysts, and experts who spoke to Al-Quds.com (interviews conducted before the return to the war of extermination early Tuesday) considered this escalation to be part of a strategy to prioritize Israel's domestic affairs, especially in light of the political and economic crises facing the Israeli occupation government, and its prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, in particular. This has prompted him to use military escalation as a means of diverting attention from his domestic failures.

They point out that the Israeli escalation aims to pressure Hamas to make concessions in the negotiations, and is an attempt by Israel to impose its own negotiating conditions, despite the fact that this strategy has not achieved sustainable results in the past.

The absence of a real political horizon for a comprehensive and just solution

Dr. Mohamed El-Tamawy, a researcher in political economy and international relations, says the recent escalation in the Gaza Strip represents a new chapter in the series of tensions plaguing the region, highlighting the complexity of the political and security landscape as a result of the absence of a genuine political horizon for a comprehensive and just solution to the Palestinian issue.

Al-Tamawi explains that the recurrence of these confrontations confirms that military solutions are no alternative to a political process based on international legitimacy resolutions. He emphasizes that the continuation of unilateral Israeli policies exacerbates tensions and threatens regional stability as a whole.

Al-Tamawi explains that the Israeli escalation is not merely a fleeting military strike, but rather reflects a deeper crisis within Israeli politics, particularly in light of the complex domestic situation facing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Al-Tamawi points out that Netanyahu is facing an unprecedented domestic dilemma, as he can no longer escape the repercussions of his crises except by escalating military confrontations.

"Since assuming power, Netanyahu has been exporting domestic crises abroad, using security escalation as a means of escaping his failures, whether economic, social, or even legal," Tamawi says. "He continues to be dogged by corruption charges that threaten his political future."

Netanyahu faces growing public anger today.

Al-Tamawi explains that Netanyahu is currently facing growing public anger due to the deteriorating economy and the rising cost of living, which has prompted him to resort to the military option in an attempt to unite the domestic front around him, despite his awareness that this will not be a sustainable solution.

On the economic front, Tamawi asserts that Israel is experiencing one of its worst crises in decades, with economic growth falling to 1% in 2024, while the fiscal deficit rose to 7% of GDP due to massive military spending exceeding $35 billion.

Al-Tamawi points out that these massive expenditures have increased the burden on the Israeli economy, causing the public debt ratio to jump to 70%, up from 61% in 2023. This reflects the fragility of the financial situation amid the ongoing military escalation.

Al-Tamawi points out that Israel has lost its ability to attract foreign investment, which has declined by 60% due to political and security instability, along with rising unemployment rates, particularly among immigrants, which have reached 20% due to ongoing security unrest.

Al-Tamawi believes that economic failure is not the only challenge facing Netanyahu. Israeli society is experiencing unprecedented internal divisions, manifested in the massive demonstrations against him and his attempts to weaken the judiciary. These recurring political crises have led to public criticism from prominent military and economic officials, further isolating Netanyahu domestically.

Escalation to re-arrange internal priorities

Al-Tamawi explains that the current Israeli government relies on fragile alliances between the religious far right and extremist nationalist forces, which are pushing for further escalation, even at the expense of Israel's own stability.

Al-Tamawi asserts that escalation in Gaza has always been a tool for Israeli governments to reorder domestic priorities, but these strategies have not achieved sustainable results. He points to previous military operations, such as Operation Cast Lead in 2008-2009 and Operation Guardian of the Walls in 2021, which did not change the reality on the ground.

Al-Tamawi believes that Netanyahu is currently attempting to replicate this policy, but he faces a different reality. The escalation is no longer merely a military strike, but rather part of a broader crisis threatening Israel from within, with its economic and political power eroding and its international isolation growing.

He adds: "In this context, negotiations remain the inevitable option, but Israel is attempting to impose its conditions through military escalation, forgetting that force has never been a guarantee of lasting strategic gains."

Al-Tamawi points out that Cairo, with its historical experience in managing regional crises, understands that the solution lies in returning to the negotiating table with just solutions, not through reckless escalation. Continued confrontations will only lead to further Israeli retreat, at a time when neither Israel nor Gaza can bear the burden of prolonged conflicts.

The military threat as a permanent pressure card on the Palestinians

For his part, writer and political analyst Mohammed Hawash asserts that Israel is pursuing a gradual escalation in the Gaza Strip, exploiting the military threat as a constant pressure card against the Palestinians, international mediators, and Israeli public opinion, particularly right-wing factions within the government.

Hawash explains that this escalation comes as part of Benjamin Netanyahu's government's efforts to appease the extreme right-wing parties calling for a return to fighting. The government is seeking to reassure them that military operations against the Palestinians will continue, by tightening the blockade, cutting off electricity and water, and launching airstrikes targeting various areas of the Gaza Strip.

Hawash points out that this policy specifically targets resigned Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, with the aim of bringing him back into the governing coalition and ensuring the passage of the general budget before the end of this month.

Hawash explains that the Israeli right is seeking to expand the scope of the war on Gaza and impose a policy of forced displacement, a vision rejected by the United States, at least officially, as the United States publicly opposes such plans.

Israel holds Hamas responsible for stalled negotiations

Regarding the recent negotiations, Hawash explained that Israel holds Hamas responsible for the failure of the last round of talks, even though the movement has expressed its willingness to return to negotiations.

However, according to Hawash, Tel Aviv believes that the continuation of negotiations does not conflict with the continuation of sporadic military strikes in Gaza, with raids targeting various areas, including Khan Yunis, Rafah, Gaza, and the northern Gaza Strip.

Hawash asserts that the goal of this approach is to send a message to the Palestinians that the Israeli army is ready to resume fighting at any moment, that Hamas must make concessions in line with Israeli demands, and that those who want war, we will wage it, and those who want negotiations, we will conduct them.

However, Hawash explains that Tel Aviv's demands go far beyond the issue of a prisoner exchange and detainees, as they include other conditions that neither the movement nor the Palestinians can accept, most notably disarmament and full Israeli control, which is interpreted as an attempt to evacuate the Gaza Strip of its residents.

Hawash emphasizes that this Israeli vision is not acceptable to Palestinians, nor at the Arab or international levels. The idea of forced displacement is no longer up for discussion, even in international circles. Despite Israel's ongoing maneuvers to achieve negotiating gains, it continues to face enormous pressure from within and without.

Regarding the impact of the escalation on the negotiations, Hawash explained that repeated Israeli strikes alone are not enough to derail the negotiations, but they also impact the atmosphere surrounding them, both in terms of pressuring international mediators and influencing the morale of Palestinian citizens living under constant bombardment.

Hamas still adheres to its basic demands

Hawash points out that these Israeli pressures will not change Hamas's position, which remains committed to its basic demands and refuses to comply with Israeli demands it deems unrealistic or impossible to implement.

Hawash points out that the continued bombing and water and electricity cuts could have a dual effect. It could push some parties to pressure Hamas, but at the same time, it could force mediators to exert pressure on Israel, given that these practices complicate negotiations and weaken the chances of reaching an agreement.

Domestically, Hawash confirms the existence of divisions within Israel itself. Recent polls have shown that approximately 70% of Israelis support an immediate prisoner exchange deal, or at least a return to the first phase of the exchange process. Only 12% of Israelis support a return to fighting, reflecting a decline in popular support for the war.

Hawash explains that the Israeli army itself is not currently prepared to return to the large-scale fighting it experienced last year. Military estimates indicate that the army prefers to conduct limited operations, including airstrikes and sporadic attacks, rather than launching a large-scale ground offensive.

Hawash points out that Trump has backed down from the forced displacement of Palestinians, having previously been more open to Israeli proposals on the matter.

Hawash points out that the US administration is now increasingly inclined to adopt the Arab-Islamic Initiative, which was agreed upon by the Palestinians and Arab states and presented at the recent Arab-Islamic Summit.

Hawash explains that the United States has regional interests that go beyond its relationship with Israel, and seeks to end the war in Gaza to achieve greater stability in the region. Therefore, the ongoing negotiations are being primarily managed by Washington, which is seeking to reach a ceasefire conditional on the fulfillment of Israeli demands regarding the detainees, with discussions later on broader political and strategic issues.

Netanyahu upset by Boehler-Hamas negotiations

In turn, writer and political analyst Mohammed Joda asserts that the ongoing Israeli escalation in the Gaza Strip, particularly after the end of the first phase of the ceasefire agreement, has become part of Israel's daily policy aimed at pressuring Hamas to make concessions in negotiations, whether regarding extending the first phase of the agreement or releasing Israeli hostages held in Gaza.

Joudeh explains that the escalation in Israeli bombardment over the past week, which has resulted in dozens of Palestinian martyrs, comes as part of Israeli attempts to obstruct international mediation efforts, particularly those led by the United States.

Joudeh points out that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed deep dismay at these negotiations, which were conducted by Adam Boehler, the official responsible for the prisoner issue in the Trump administration, with leaders from Hamas in the Qatari capital, Doha.

Joudeh points out that this move prompted the Israeli government to mobilize the Zionist lobby within the United States and enlist members of the Republican Party to pressure the Trump administration to halt these negotiations, which later led to Adam Boehler's removal from his position.

Joudeh emphasizes that Israel began evading implementation of the agreement from the moment it entered into force, but has recently intensified its military operations, carrying out intensive bombing operations, expanding the systematic killing of civilians, closing all crossings into the Strip, and preventing the entry of any humanitarian aid or goods to the besieged population.

Negotiation with fire policy

Joudeh explains that Israel did not stop there. The Israeli Ministry of Defense issued a decision to cut off electricity to Gaza as part of a policy of economic strangulation and military pressure to force Hamas to make concessions regarding extending the first phase of the agreement and releasing the Israeli hostages.

Joudeh points out that the coming days could witness increased Israeli escalation, potentially leading to a complete reversal of the ceasefire agreement. Netanyahu seeks to force Hamas to return to the negotiating table under the weight of military pressure, with the goal of achieving negotiating gains that benefit Israel.

Joudeh asserts that the current faltering negotiations between Hamas and Israel have led the latter to rely on escalation as its primary means of pressure. He explains that the Netanyahu government's policy of "negotiating with fire" aims to create a new reality on the ground that imposes negotiating conditions in Israel's favor.

Joudeh explains that Israel resorted to military escalation after negotiations reached a dead end, with the aim of pressuring Hamas to make concessions and also to influence international mediators and push them to exert further pressure on the movement to accept the settlements proposed by Israel.

The escalation reflects a severe internal crisis facing Netanyahu's government.

For his part, writer and political analyst Talal Okal says that the increasing Israeli escalation in the Gaza Strip reflects a severe internal crisis within Benjamin Netanyahu's government, which has begun to realize it has fallen into a "trap" set by Hamas, leaving it facing signs of political and military failure and defeat.

Okal explains that Netanyahu does not want to stop the war once and for all, and is therefore adopting a policy of procrastination and creating obstacles to negotiations, with the aim of returning them to square one and prolonging them for as long as possible. This is in an attempt to avoid answering questions related to the aftermath of the war and how to deal with Gaza in the future.

Okal points out that Netanyahu is attempting to maneuver between the pressure exerted on him by the US administration, which is demanding a ceasefire, and the internal pressures he faces within Israel. Based on this, he is resorting to provoking Hamas, hoping this will provide him with a pretext that will allow him to resume the war under the cover of military pressure on the negotiating process.

Hamas will not give up its essential conditions.

Despite these attempts, Okal asserts that military pressure has not yet achieved its goals, as Hamas has refused to back down from its basic negotiating conditions, and Israel has failed to impose new conditions on it.

Okal believes that Hamas may show tactical flexibility in some aspects of the negotiations, but it will not compromise on its core conditions, which it considers the basis for any future agreement.

Awkal points out that Israel's attempts to subdue Hamas through military pressure will not achieve significant success, especially given the movement's continued adherence to its demands despite Israeli escalation.

Okal asserts that the ongoing escalation is merely part of Netanyahu's strategy to buy time, but it will not necessarily lead to a radical shift in the negotiating balance, especially given the steadfastness of the Palestinian position and its refusal to make substantive concessions to Israel.

Establishing a new field equation

Writer, political analyst, and expert on Israeli affairs, Yasser Manna, believes that Israel is pursuing a policy of slow, calculated escalation in the Gaza Strip. This strategy carries dimensions that transcend circumstantial and temporary dimensions, aiming to establish a new equation on the ground.

Manaa explains that this policy resembles the Israeli approach used in both southern Lebanon and the West Bank, where Tel Aviv seeks to establish the concept of "freedom of military action" in Gaza, giving it broad latitude to carry out repeated military operations without committing to a permanent ceasefire.

Manna points out that this strategy represents a shift in the way the conflict is managed, such that escalation is not merely a temporary reaction, but rather a tool for adjusting the rules of the game in accordance with Israeli interests.

Manaa points out that the current Israeli escalation serves direct tactical objectives, including exerting pressure on Palestinian factions to push them to accept an extension of the first phase of existing agreements and prevent a transition to advanced negotiation stages.

Escalation to prevent the entry of humanitarian and relief aid

Manaa explains that Israel is also using escalation as a tool to prevent the entry of humanitarian and relief aid into the Gaza Strip, with the aim of simultaneously strengthening its political and humanitarian leverage, making the living conditions in Gaza a bargaining chip for the Israeli government.

Manaa points out that negotiations are still ongoing, but the main disagreement revolves around moving to the second phase of the agreement, which includes a full Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and a comprehensive ceasefire.

Manaa points out that, in contrast, Israel is attempting to evade the requirements of this phase by pushing for a new agreement that goes beyond its obligations. This makes the Israeli escalation a threatening message that the failure of negotiations could lead to the return of the military option, or what is known as "negotiations by fire."

Manaa says, "Any Israeli escalation, if it occurs, will not take the form of a large-scale confrontation as was the case in the first months of the war. Rather, it will be limited to limited military operations aimed at achieving negotiating gains without slipping into an open confrontation."

The United States does not want a comprehensive military escalation.

Manaa explains that the reason for this is that the United States does not want a comprehensive military escalation in Gaza, as it conflicts with its regional projects, most notably the normalization efforts between Israel and Arab states. This imposes restrictions on Tel Aviv's handling of the military situation.

Manaa asserts that Israel is not seeking to ignite a large-scale war at this stage, but rather is relying on sporadic military operations to impose a new equation in Gaza, enabling it to intervene on the ground whenever it wishes, while maintaining ongoing pressure on the Palestinian resistance to prevent significant negotiating gains. Conversely, Palestinian factions are aware of these tactics and therefore remain committed to their basic demands in any future agreement, despite Israel's attempts to impose new rules of engagement.

A US judge on Wednesday blocked an attempt by the Trump administration to dismiss a challenge by Mahmoud Khalil, a detained Columbia University student, to the legal process for his arrest by immigration officials for participating in pro-Palestinian protests. However, the judge remanded the case to New Jersey.

U.S. District Judge Jesse Furman in Manhattan agreed with the Justice Department that he lacked jurisdiction over the case.

Furman ordered the case transferred to federal court in New Jersey, where Khalil was being held when his lawyer first challenged his detention in New York.

Foreman has not issued a decision on Khalil's request for bail.

Several human rights organizations have condemned Khalil's arrest as an attack on freedom of expression and a violation of due process.

More than 100 Democratic lawmakers from the House of Representatives questioned the legality of the detention in a letter to the Trump administration.

Justice Department lawyers say Khalil, 30, is subject to deportation because Secretary of State Marco Rubio determined that his presence in the United States could have "serious foreign policy consequences." Khalil's case could test how courts draw the line between the freedom of expression guaranteed to citizens and residents alike under the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, and the executive branch's view that some protests could undermine foreign policy.

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer expressed deep concern over Israel's resumption of airstrikes on Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, following its breach of the ceasefire agreement.

This came in his answers to questions on Wednesday during the weekly Prime Minister's Questions session in the British Parliament.

Starmer said: "I am deeply concerned by Israel's resumption of military action in Gaza. The images of parents taking their children to hospital and large numbers of people killed that have resurfaced over the past few days are truly shocking."

He stated that Britain would "do its utmost" to restore the ceasefire, release Israeli prisoners held by Palestinian factions, and deliver urgent aid to Gaza, which has begun to suffer from famine due to the stifling Israeli blockade.

At dawn on Tuesday, Israel intensified its war of extermination in Gaza and reneged on a 58-day ceasefire and prisoner exchange agreement with Hamas, brokered by Qatar and Egypt and supported by the United States.

Israel suddenly escalated its genocidal crimes with violent, widespread airstrikes targeting civilians, resulting in "436 martyrs and more than 678 injuries," according to the Gaza Ministry of Health.

1. A massive demonstration was held in front of the Israeli Prime Minister's Office in Jerusalem since Wednesday morning. Thousands of Israelis participated in the demonstration, protesting the government's policy of endangering the lives of Israeli prisoners by resuming the war on Gaza, and against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's announcement of the dismissal of Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar.

Thousands of demonstrators headed toward the prime minister's official residence this afternoon, where they will demonstrate and set up a protest tent. Police have prohibited aerial filming of the demonstration with small drones.

The demonstration was attended by leaders of the protest movements against the plan to weaken the judicial system and who are demanding the continuation of the prisoner exchange between Israel and Hamas. Among the demonstrators were former IDF Chief of Staff and Knesset Member Gadi Eisenkot, head of the National Camp bloc Benny Gantz, and former Prime Minister Ehud Barak.

As part of the protests, demonstrators closed Highway 1, between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, this morning.

Protesters said, "Instead of implementing the agreement and returning all the kidnapped soldiers, Netanyahu fulfilled his pledge to Smotrich and decided to sacrifice our sons in order to preserve his coalition."

"The people of Israel have proven that they want the kidnapped soldiers, democracy, a normal state, and hope," said Amit Becher, chairman of the Bar Association, during the demonstration. "But the government's ultimate goal is to eliminate democracy and carry out a purge of the security establishment, the legal system, and the judiciary. This is a clear dictatorial operation."

Israeli occupation forces opened fire on a vehicle south of Hebron on Wednesday.

Local sources reported that Israeli occupation forces fired live ammunition at a vehicle carrying civilians at the entrance to the village of Abdo, south of Hebron, detaining those inside and preventing ambulance crews from reaching them.

Since dawn on Wednesday, Israeli occupation forces have continued to force families to flee their homes in the Ein refugee camp, west of Nablus.

Local sources reported that occupation forces continue to impose a siege on Al-Ain refugee camp, raiding homes and forcing their owners to leave.

A number of residents who were displaced from their homes reported that the occupation forces were conducting searches and raids, forcing them to leave, even as sick people, the elderly, and children were present.

The Israeli military announced on Wednesday that it has permanently stopped calling up a military intelligence officer for reserve duty. The officer announced yesterday that he was refusing to serve in protest against Israeli government policy and its decision to resume the war on Gaza.

Officer Michael Mayer wrote on the X platform yesterday that "the thing that will most help defend the people is to refuse to participate in combat in the service of a group of stinking traitors, in a manner that is completely contrary to the interests of the people of Israel."

After the army announced it would no longer call him up for reserve duty, Meyer wrote today that he "stands by every word I wrote in this context, in this tweet and others, and this is what I said in the conversation about my dismissal as well."

He added, "The easiest thing for people like me is to continue to comply. I could have continued to serve, and I could have easily evaded it with various excuses.

My choice to express my position publicly is a difficult one, with significant personal, social, and psychological consequences, but it is the right choice.”

Mayer continued, "There must be red lines for anyone. As far as I'm concerned, they were crossed a while ago. I will not participate in an operation driven by subjective motives that entails abandoning the kidnapped to die, sending soldiers to kill and be killed for no reason, and continuing the multifaceted deterioration of the State of Israel."

All of this is under the rule of a regime that has long lost legitimacy and is only meant to maintain its power.”

Yesterday, the Israeli army dismissed air force navigator Alon Gur from reserve service after he announced his refusal to serve in protest against the Israeli government's decision to resume the war on Gaza.

"Since this morning, I have been unable to do anything," Gore wrote on the X platform. "I met with the squadron commander and told him: Even here. The line has been crossed at the point where the government has once again deliberately abandoned its citizens in broad daylight, at the point where reckless and cold political considerations have taken precedence over all other considerations, at the point where human life has lost its value, and at the point where the government is targeting the guardians of its own threshold."