On the cusp of a new international order

The Arab awakening, which began in the second half of the nineteenth century, against Ottoman tyranny, would not have taken its place and occupied a deep space in history, had it not been for the decline of Astana’s influence and its loss of its possessions in the Balkans, the liberation of large parts of Eastern European countries from its hegemony, and the struggles of states. The young colonial possessions.

The collapse of the Ottoman Empire, its sultan gaining the title of “the sick man,” and the West’s desire to fire the coup de grace upon the Sultanate, enabled the leaders of the Arab awakening to ally with the British and French and join their armies in World War I, in the hope of achieving independence. This beginning laid the foundation stone for subsequent developments, leading to the emergence of national liberation movements against colonialism, especially in the period following World War II.

The Arab nation always found its opportunity for emancipation during the weakness of the major empires. But because of its weak resistance and the fragility of its social structures, it is unable to benefit from resolving the conflict, and thus falls victim to division among adults.

When France fell into the hands of Nazism, at the end of World War II, and the economic power of Great Britain was weakened by the costs of two global wars, national liberation movements broke out against colonialism, not only in the Arab world, but in most Third World countries. These movements were among the most important features of the first half of the twentieth century. Fortunately for these movements, the two new poles emerging at the time: the United States and the Soviet Union, were not willing to provide support to their allies in the war. They aspired to inherit them.

Immediately after the war, the United States proposed an open-door policy, which entailed the right of the British and French colonies to self-determination. The beginning of the fifties, during the era of US President Dwight Eisenhower, witnessed the strategy of removing and replacing traditional colonialism. This came explicitly when the American President spoke about what he called filling the void in the early 1950s, and worked to establish political blocs to achieve this. This was a prelude to the emergence of military alliances and blocs, on a global level, under different names, such as NATO, the Baghdad Pact, the Central Treaty Alliance (Sentu), and the Islamic Alliance.

As for the Soviet Union, it waged an ideological struggle in order to spread its political doctrine, and considered this a way to strengthen its presence on the international scene. From this standpoint, he took a position in support of national liberation movements in the Third World. In the face of this sharp division between the eastern and western camps, the Arabs were allowed to achieve their political independence, and they had some options, to be with this or that team, and their options were multiple, in one way or another, towards the two camps. The golden age of positive neutrality took its place during the period in which international relations were solidified, before the power of the Soviet Union weakened and unipolarity took hold. The defeat of June 1967 was accompanied by a change in the international equation. This change began with what was known as peaceful coexistence between the Eastern and Western camps, and the signing of treaties banning nuclear weapons, between the Soviets and the Americans, leading to the aging of the regime in the Soviet Union. His military intervention in Afghanistan was the final nail in his coffin, in preparation for his dramatic downfall in the early nineties of the last century.

The American Yankee's accession to the throne of dominance was an exceptional event, and had no precedent in history. Such squareness cancels the principle of conflict of wills, which is a human law. Therefore, it could not last long. His era did not exceed more than a decade, after which Russia once again returned to the international stage and reared its head publicly after what was known as the “Arab Spring,” so that new political and global axes were formed in recent years. But a new international order, preparing to emerge, has not yet been formed.

This reading brings us back to the saying that existence does not accept emptiness. In the absence of solid international relations, and the failure of the elders to agree on the division, chaos spreads, honor is violated, and human dignity is underestimated.

But the misery of this stage does not lead to pessimism, as it is a short era that will never last long, and the entire world, including our Arab world, is preparing for a coming stage, which may not be with the same previous maps and customs, but it will witness solidification and clarity in international relations. What will the scene of the next Arab political map be like? Will we be able to cross the tunnel of crisis? Questions that are difficult to answer, because they are governed in the Arab world by a struggle of wills, awareness and the ability to act. This is what we must prepare for now.

In agreement with the Gulf