Occupation without masks and authority without options...

The crisis did not begin with the recent decisions of the occupation's "cabinet"; rather, its roots go back more than a century, when Palestine was presented to the Zionist movement on a silver platter. Since the British Mandate, through successive Arab defeats, and the illusions of peace, up to an international system that has become addicted to sponsoring the occupation instead of ending it, the very late British warnings against making any changes to the Palestinian territories do not change the reality at all, but rather reveal a desperate attempt to wash their hands, as today there is an objection to the results without questioning the causes. In this long context of systematic dismantling, the Palestinian Authority has gradually transformed from a state project into a functional entity with limited powers, financially and politically besieged, and burdened by a system that is no longer merely a financial imbalance, but an integrated structure. The decisions represent an advanced stage in this path; they are not administrative measures or legal reforms as promoted, but rather a silent, de facto annexation. The occupation avoids officially declaring this so as not to embarrass its international supporters, but it imposes sovereignty over the land by force, and by facilitating the seizure of lands, or expanding the powers of military rule under the name of "civil administration," and granting settlers unprecedented incentives. The result is an environment that repels Palestinians, attracts settlers, suffocates the elements of economic and social life, and transforms the land into an uninhabitable space. The most dangerous aspect is that these measures do not target the Authority alone, but for the first time openly and directly extend to the components of Palestinian society; its properties and wealth have become within the scope of a political decision, and institutions have become formal and incapable of planning or building. Consequently, we are not only facing a military occupation, but an unprecedented return of it, controlling the land, what is above it and what is within it, the economy and society, and even water and air. In contrast, it continues to gradually withdraw the Authority's powers, without announcing its dissolution, seeking to make it appear as a burden in the eyes of Palestinians, and even tries to appear as a safe haven, pushing Palestinians to voluntarily abolish it, not reluctantly, and hand over its keys, and absolve itself of any responsibility for that. As for the Arab movement, its limits are known in advance, and even if the Arabs were to unite on a single word, which is far-fetched, they would not be able to stop these measures. So what is the situation when capitals are divided, positions are contradictory, and international weight is almost non-existent? Therefore, the Authority's crisis today exceeds the capacity of any Arab meeting, and requires a broader and more comprehensive approach, Palestinian first, then regional and international. The real question is no longer what the occupation is doing, but what is the Palestinian leadership doing? For a quarter of a century, it has been in a state of decline under the slogan of bending to the storm. In politics, one can bend tactically, but when bending reaches the point of touching the ground, it is no longer bending. What is required is not statements or tours, but a radical redefinition of the Authority's function, its relationship with the occupation, with its society, and with the world, and that it return to its foundations, and protect itself with its people, and that its leaders truly lead its ranks, not just in words. Without that, the occupation's measures on the ground will continue, and Palestinians will remain trapped between an advancing occupation and a political system eroding from within.