Fri 09 Jun 2023 10:20 am - Jerusalem Time
Theoretical additions to Dr. George Habash
Marxist stations in the thought and practice of al-Hakim
“Whoever wants to understand us must realize that we think.” Al-Hakim inscribed this saying early on, in line with Lenin’s saying, “a concrete analysis of concrete reality” and that “theory is a guide to action, not a rigid doctrine.”
The wise man raised complex intellectual and political questions inspired by complex and complex circumstances. He searched for answers as a free mental process, dialogue with his companions and the active powers, and a self-monologue (it is preferable to be alone and think while walking, even in a closed room), and as a dialogue with reality, its data and its variables, as he is always thinking. After thinking deeply "in which the subjective and the objective fuse" from sensory knowledge to logical knowledge "and" creativity, he extracts (this is a term he uses a lot) conclusions and analyzes... He dialogues and listens deeply to others, and most of the time he speaks after others. His weapon is, first, the mind, But the “vanguard party is guided by the theory of the vanguard” by Lenin, and we have to understand “what is essential in Marxism and what was said in a specific time and place, in addition to understanding the variables.” The theoretical dialectics are imposed by the dialectics of reality. sacred and infinite, and everything is in motion... “We have to be dialectic” by Castro, where the wise man studied the Cuban experience and met with the Cuban president several times... The mind of the wise man is linked to practice and its lessons despite his various studies and his abundant culture in various fields... and because he was not He likes ready-made sentences and situations inspired by others.
For despite his transition to Marxist-Leninist left-wing intellectual positions, and his constant call for alliance with the anti-imperialist socialist camp... he was at odds on several pivotal issues with the Soviet Union:
1- The position on Israel, as the Soviet Union was the second country to recognize Israel after announcing it in 1948, contrary to the Soviet position two years ago, which considered it impossible to divide Palestine due to the economic-geographic overlap between the two Palestinian Arab communities, which constitute two-thirds of the population, and the Jew, who became one-third of the population. ... while Habash talked about the "colonial and racist" foreign body that "created the Palestinian dilemma" and "the source of wars in the region" with which "history will not coexist" as "the apartheid regime in South Africa"... calling for a "democratic state" In Palestine "and the forms of struggle that intersected...
2- The position on the Arab nation and Arab unity. These terms constitute a pillar and great goals in his intellectual-political project... Later on, he will talk about the exhaustion of the Qatari project of its progressive energy, and that there is no way out of "fragmentation and backwardness" except through the establishment of the nation-state... And there are three Dimensions:
A - Gradualism as long as immediate unity is not available, Gulf, Levantine, Maghreb... towards a federal or unitary approach, economic towards a "common market" and political towards a central authority.
B- Democracy, as it is a necessary condition and a historical necessity, and without it no unitary formulas will continue, with what democracy means in terms of citizenship, pluralism, the rule of law and the separation of powers... and also social democracy.
C - The class content, as the traditional social forces and the Qatari bourgeoisie are incapable of establishing a state of unity, not to mention that their narrow local interests and external connections contradict them, and therefore the popular classes of workers, peasants, intellectuals and the petty bourgeoisie are capable of achieving it as a long struggle process.
3- Non-capitalist development: The Soviet Union devised this theory as a justification for its relations with many countries in the Third World, including a number of Arab countries, which pursue policies that do not revolve in the imperialist orbit, such as India, Egypt, and Iraq.... During Gorbachev's era, he called the regimes In the third world to reconcile with capitalism (the imperialist center).
As for Habash, he said that the Third World has no choice but to develop in the socialist direction, as required by revolutionary class leadership in the Cuban and Vietnamese way, and therefore the struggle is open with imperialism and the local social forces associated with it (imperialist pillars), or the countries of the Third World will follow the capitalist road, and thus they will rotate In the imperialist orbit, with what this means of plundering its wealth and seizing the path of its development.
Accordingly, Habash devised the law of "alliance and conflict" with the "national bourgeois" regimes, and said that the law of development of the productive forces would lead these countries towards dependent capitalism, and not non-capitalist development, in light of the transformations that the economic-social forces will witness in a comprador and bureaucratic direction. The transformations in Egypt became a credibility for his vision and culminated in Camp David 1978.
Marxism, basically, is the theory of class struggle in the capitalist countries, without forgetting Lenin's addition of the national struggle against colonialism, so the slogan of the Communist Manifesto "Workers of the world unite" was transformed by Lenin into "Workers of the workers and their oppressed peoples unite". Marxist theorists also had additions and innovations, that is, how did the class struggle come about? And how attended the national struggle in their countries? How did they understand the privacy of their situation? Here the wise added.
Persistent on the innovative and diligent approach, Habash took the initiative in late 1969 to establish the Arab Socialist Labor Party as a Marxist-Leninist party that spread in most Arab countries... in line with Lenin's thesis by establishing the Social Democratic Labor Party in Russia (not the Russian one), which led the October Revolution later. And intersect with the theories of the Arab Marxist thinker Elias Morcos, a friend of his, in his book "The Arab Proletarian Party".
In the late seventies, he sought to establish an Arab progressive front, something that found its echo in an explicit program clause in the resolutions of the Fourth Popular Front Conference in 1981, without severing his links with the popular national conferences that included all colors of the political, intellectual and civil spectrum.
As for Palestine, he led the Popular Front as a leftist Marxist-Leninist guerrilla faction that rejects Resolution 242 and contributes with other fighting factions to the contemporary revolutionary feat. The Palestinian movement to Oslo... with the resulting blockade and financial sanctions... and even established civilized values in managing internal contradictions, forbidding the use of arms, distinguishing among all contradictions (the main, the primary, the secondary, the casual, and the temporary...) in a vital approach to understanding the tangible and its dialectic... It was no coincidence that he avoided any bloody internal conflicts.
To defend the liberation march, to perpetuate the national identity, and to unify the will of the people, the two extremes are combined:
A - Defending M. T . F.
B - Endeavor to protect it from slipping and confront domination and individual decision and write off the charter. He called for rebuilding it as a comprehensive reference that includes all components on democratic foundations... In his talk about the forces of political Islam, he distinguished between a "progressive Islam" that clashes with imperialism and Israel, and a "reactionary Islam", considering faith a matter of personal conscience, even if it is secular and seeks a state whose reference is the laws that make it. Legislative authorities and what is current in the religious legacy, not the rigid text, whether religious or non-religious... Life is changing and everything is changing.
From the logic of things is to view al-Hakim as a shining symbol of the Arab and Palestinian liberation movement, a symbol soaring in the sky of revolutionary dreams. And related to tomorrow. Even when he founded the "Arab Tomorrow Center" and I was one of the participants in its board of directors, his main motive was to answer the question: Why did we fail and what should be done? With the in-depth studies it requires... In this context, the book (Israel from the Inside) was published, and his family published the book (Revolutionaries Never Die), which resembles brief memoirs in which he answers limited journalistic questions, where his class, nationalism, nationalism, and features of his political project are evident. – The intellectual who distances himself from elitism, indolence, mercurialism, acrobatic evasions, “Oh, we are alone” and adherence to the official system and the American project.
Al-Hakim's march has become a page in contemporary Arab history, and a factor in the making of history.... With his steadfastness in his goals and his sense of political responsibility mixed with the morality of virtue, he established an exemplary force that incites and guides those who defend their national identity within the framework of their national identity, and those who belong to their leftist intellectual identity based on its historical cultural identity.
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