There is much talk these days in Palestinian and Arab intellectual forums about the issue of disarming Hamas, following the Israeli government's demands to disarm the movement in the Gaza Strip as part of the negotiations for the second phase of the truce agreement and the cessation of hostilities. The discussion sometimes turns heated between those who support disarmament to spare the Gaza Strip further suffering and to stop the war, and those who oppose it, fearing, on the one hand, a repetition of the events of Sabra and Shatila after the 1982 Beirut War and the withdrawal of the revolutionary forces from Lebanon at that time. On the other hand, there is a fear of granting Israel a victory through negotiations that it was unable to achieve through war, destruction, and killing over the course of a year and a half, and on the third hand, denying the Palestinians the right to use armed struggle as a form of resistance.

This discussion, in principle, indicates a national concern, even if the orientations, opinions, and positions differ and their intensity. It also demonstrates the vitality of Palestinian society in particular in confronting citizens' concerns, and the ability to evaluate, criticize, and correct or strengthen any course of action. It is my conviction of the necessity of speaking out and criticizing at the appropriate time, not after it is too late, and for the person or entity responsible or competent.

In my opinion, the disarmament or disarmament of Hamas or other Palestinian armed factions could take place within two central frameworks. The first: within the framework of a Palestinian-Palestinian agreement on the administration of government, including the nature of dealing with weapons, the mechanisms for their use, how to resolve disputes through law, and the prevention of their use in political disputes. It should also include the provision of related guarantees, especially after the armed conflict between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority in 2006 and 2007, and the seizure of power by force of arms by Hamas in the Gaza Strip. This could take the form of the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland until the end of Israeli colonization of the Palestinian territories.

Or the second: In the context of what is known as the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) process undertaken by the United Nations with the aim of contributing to security and stability in post-conflict environments so that recovery and development can begin, and addressing the post-conflict security problem that arises when former combatants are left without livelihoods or support networks, unlike their former comrades, during the vital transitional period from conflict to peace and development. Or as stated in the reconstruction plan approved by the emergency Arab Summit "Palestine Summit" in Cairo on March 4, 2025, which stipulated that "the dilemma of the multiplicity of Palestinian groups bearing arms is something that can be dealt with, and even ended once and for all, if its causes are removed through a clear horizon and a credible political process that restores rights to their owners."

That is, disarmament is linked to political developments and security arrangements that achieve peace and end Israeli colonialism on the one hand, or security arrangements related to an internal agreement on the methods, means, forms, and nature of Palestinian resistance, or according to what is called in Palestinian custom the “struggle strategy,” which determines which forms of struggle and means of resistance are most beneficial, influential, or effective within the framework of the stages of the popular liberation war.

Both situations require local and international guarantees to prevent the Israeli government from resuming war, assassinations, or military incursions. They also require a credible path to peace based on the two-state solution, leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state on the June 4, 1967, borders. They also require an effective international presence of peacekeeping forces through United Nations missions to create the appropriate conditions for achieving lasting peace.

During the eighteen years of division, we have heard the same rhetoric and the same demands, but those who called for it, and the politicians behind them, perhaps did not realize that it is wrong to repeat the same thing, in the same manner, while expecting a different result. In other words, they did not realize that what was not destined to “succeed” for nearly two decades, and under completely different circumstances, may not be destined to succeed now, or perhaps it is more accurate to say that it is not necessarily applicable in this “exceptional” circumstance that the Palestinian territories in general, and the Gaza Strip in particular, are going through.

Amidst the rapid political transformations, calls have once again escalated, and at a higher rate, to hand over power in the Gaza Strip to the Palestinian Authority, as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. There is no dispute about the validity of this proposal in principle, meaning that Gaza—like the rest of the Palestinian territories—must naturally be under the jurisdiction of a single authority representing the Palestinian people.

This demand, in turn, opens the door to a fundamental debate and requires fundamental clarifications, primarily regarding the nature and form of the authority sought to be restored, as well as its policy toward a sector exhausted and devastated by the ongoing aggression, and toward the Palestinian issue as a whole, along with its national reference and the source of its legitimacy.

Is talk of the "return of authority" to Gaza a restoration of a previous status quo, or is it talk of a return that represents the fruit or culmination of a new national vision that redefines the role of the authority, any authority, as a comprehensive national executive body, not a bureaucratic or security arm, currently confined to the West Bank, or a functional formation governed by agreements that have restricted its movement and emptied it of its liberating content?

Over the long years of division, the Palestinian Authority has been the subject of constant criticism regarding its management of the national file in general, and the Gaza issue in particular. These criticisms, without confirming their accuracy, ranged from accusations of imposing financial sanctions to an inability to formulate a national plan that enjoys popular acceptance, which includes the Gaza Strip as an integral component of the nation. Based on this, talk of handing over power in Gaza should not be reduced to an "administrative procedure." Rather, it must be understood as part of a clearly defined political project that enjoys national consensus and restores the Strip's position as an effective partner in decision-making and destiny.

If the Palestinian Authority is to be the authority of all Palestinians, then its authority must change, transforming it from an authority that is the product of the Oslo Accords into an authority with a consensual national authority based on the outcomes of a comprehensive national dialogue and a political charter based on the minimum nationally acceptable. This necessarily means rebuilding the Palestine Liberation Organization to become a unifying Palestinian umbrella, and expanding its representation base to include all Palestinian forces and factions that have remained outside it.

Over the past decades, the PLO has suffered from a structural flaw that has affected its pluralistic nature, in addition to institutional paralysis for several reasons, foremost among them the periodicity of the meetings of its governing frameworks, especially the Palestinian National Council, which has only convened during the past three decades in emergency contexts or to accomplish specific tasks, thus limiting its role as the supreme legislative representative body of the Palestinian people as a whole. In addition, there has been an absence of clear and effective mechanisms to hold the leadership accountable or renew its legitimacy. Consequently, the automatic extension of members and leaders without elections or serious consultations has become the prevailing pattern, rendering the PLO lacking true representation and thwarting attempts to rebuild it on a comprehensive national basis.

Accordingly, any transition process should not be conducted on the basis of "one authority replacing another," but rather on the basis of "one authority that includes everyone," representing the will of the Palestinian people in all its components, expressing their shared national project, and opening the way for a genuine political partnership.

Therefore, an authority of this description requires national legitimacy and a popular mandate. Any talk of the Palestinian Authority assuming power in Gaza becomes conditional upon a consensual transitional national dialogue, the formation of a national unity government that represents all, and the burial of the years of division. If holding elections is not possible in the near term due to political complications and the occupation, it may be possible to replace them with possible options. On this basis, this comprehensive national consensus is a way out - temporarily - to reach transitional legitimacy, followed by genuine democratic requirements that restore the Palestinian people's right to choose their representatives.

Therefore, unless the call to hand over power in Gaza to the Palestinian Authority is part of an institutional political reform program and presented within a consensual national context, it will open a new chapter of Palestinian division, one that is more ambiguous and more intractable. This process will be a reproduction of the authority in its current form, whereas what is required is to re-establish it on the foundations of partnership, consensus, and comprehensive national representation, so that it becomes an authority that represents the aspirations of the Palestinian people, capable of mobilizing the street behind it, rather than an authority of self-administration under a specific and pre-defined ceiling.

It seems that most of the decisions under the slogan of “reforming the political system” since the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority came as a result of external pressures, most of them American, and did not result from a national or institutional review of general performance, nor from internal pressures, whether popular or elite. The history of the contemporary Palestinian people has been closely linked to individuals rather than institutions, starting with Hajj Amin al-Husseini, passing through Ahmed al-Shuqairi, then the martyr Yasser Arafat, and up to President Mahmoud Abbas, to the point of almost identifying between the person and the institution. This requires studying the underlying reasons behind the Palestinian national movement’s reluctance since its founding to adhere to the institutional approach, despite its dire need for it, especially given the Zionist movement’s distinction in building institutions and relying on strategic thinking since its inception. Since its early beginnings, the Zionist movement has relied on a number of institutions that achieve its fixed foundation of “more land for the Jews, and fewer Arabs on it,” such as the World Zionist Organization in 1897, the Jewish National Fund in 1901, and the Jewish Colonial Trust Fund in Palestine 1924, and the Jewish Agency 1929. It also established Hadassah Hospital in 1918, and the Hebrew University in Jerusalem in 1925. It built kibbutzim, established research centers, security agencies, and armed gangs years before the establishment of Israel, to serve its project. This, along with other issues, contributed to the progress of the Zionist colonial expansionist project and its successive achievements. At a time when the Zionist movement was achieving steady progress, starting with the construction of its first colonies in the coastal plain region in 1878, through the Balfour Declaration, to the establishment of the Zionist entity on the land of Palestine, the Palestinian national movement was drowning in its internal conflicts between opposition and loyalty, Nashashibis and Husseinis, those who wear the keffiyeh, and their opponents who wear the tarboosh, under the name of the “Arab” and “National” parties at that time, while the land was being taken from under the feet of its original owners.

To begin with, I say "American demands," because the European Union has not yet succeeded in freeing itself from American hegemony and its total monopoly over managing the settlement process, as well as its provision of military, financial, and political cover for the genocide of our people in the Gaza Strip. The United States and Germany supply 99% of the Israeli weapons that kill our children, and 49 of the 87 vetoes issued by the United States since 1945 have been to protect Israel from resolutions that criticize it or call for action against it.

Therefore, the European demands for reform, which accompanied the establishment of the emerging authority, or those linked to the recent aid package, lack the ability to achieve a political breakthrough, given the complexities of establishing foreign policy within the Union, which requires consensus, which is considered impossible in light of the growth of right-wing and populist forces in Europe and the sharp divisions they have produced within the Union’s countries. Therefore, while describing the European Union as an economic giant has some degree of accuracy, describing it as a political dwarf is not far from the truth, especially in issues related to the Middle East and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, in which interests are intertwined with the burden of the European past, distorted religious interpretations, and European leaders’ fear of being labeled anti-Semites, which would end their political careers, at the expense of the historical right of indigenous peoples to freedom and justice. Despite all the dust that Europe causes in the region, it is similar to that generated by a helicopter, which makes noise and dust during its superficial flight, without delving into the true roots of the conflict or making an impact. A concrete step towards a political approach based on the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

While Arab regimes believe their interests transcend the morality of Palestinian rights, they are either mired in internal conflicts, as is the case in Libya, Sudan, Lebanon, and Iraq, or are complacent about American hegemony. Consequently, whatever tune we hear related to the Palestinian issue, whether played on an Arab or European string, does not go beyond the American score and composition.

The first demands for “reform” during the Al-Aqsa Intifada at the beginning of this century aimed to remove the late Palestinian President Yasser Arafat from the political scene. These demands culminated in statements by US President George W. Bush on the necessity of creating a new Palestinian leadership that did not support “terrorism.” This was followed by Arab and European pressures that led to the martyrdom of President Arafat alone in his besieged office in the Muqata’a. This was followed by what we witnessed after Hamas’s success in the 2006 legislative elections, which the US administration pressured to hold and then rejected. This led to a coup for which the United States and Israel provided all the elements of permanence and continuity, including issuing instructions to Qatar to publicly fund it via Lod Airport until the morning of October 7. The pressures we are experiencing today aim to reshape the political system by raising the banner of “reform” once again, which this time may expand to include radical changes in school curricula, media discourse, and the disbursement of dues to martyrs, prisoners, and the wounded, as well as the rebuilding of the Palestinian security, military, and police institutions. By marginalizing the role of the poor and middle classes in the public sphere, in favor of a new bourgeois minority whose interests are linked to the occupation and who work—whether intentionally or unintentionally—to serve its colonial settlement project, in the hope of achieving personal gains or survival.

The Palestinian Authority's reform movement is making a comeback, this time played by Europeans and Arabs, while being led by the US administration, which is now adopting a new approach based on disregarding direct engagement with the Palestinian leadership, embracing the narrative of the religious Zionist right in Israel, and bypassing the proposal of a new initiative, as Trump did during his first term in what he called the "Deal of the Century" or the "Abrahamic Joint Comprehensive Plan." This approach is aimed at implementing its visions in the region, independent of the Palestinian position, in light of the ramifications of events in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and Iran, which the US administration and Israel see as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to resolve the conflict rather than manage it.

Initiatives that raise the slogan of reform or re-aligning the general national path in Palestine are crowding in, whether through the demand to restore the prestige of the Palestine Liberation Organization by rebuilding it on solid democratic foundations, as stated in the final statement of the Palestinian National Conference held in Qatar last February, or reforming the Palestinian National Authority within a plan led by the government of Dr. Muhammad Mustafa, which cannot be separated from the demands of the international community, especially the European Union, which linked its recent aid of 1.6 billion dollars to internal reforms, or the statements of President Mahmoud Abbas at the recent Arab Summit in Cairo, his intention to approve the positions of Vice President of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the State of Palestine, and to call on the Central Council of the Palestine Liberation Organization – which was entrusted with the powers of the Palestinian National Council – to convene exclusively to approve the signatories in the Palestinian political system, despite his issuance of a constitutional declaration on 27-11-2024 stipulating that in the event of a vacancy in the position of President of the Palestinian Authority, the President of the Palestinian National Council shall assume his duties temporarily until presidential elections are held in accordance with Palestinian electoral law. This justifies the questions raised about the feasibility of these initiatives and decisions, and the legitimacy of all the voices that It inquires about its real impact on the lives of the crushed Palestinian citizen in Gaza, Jerusalem, or the West Bank, or on the fourteen million Palestinians in the homeland and in exile. It is permissible to question the ability of the Palestinian national movement in its current form to advance the Palestinian national project, or protect it from Zionist plans for elimination and displacement. It is established to question the effectiveness of appointing a deputy president of the PLO and the State of Palestine in strengthening the foundations of our steadfastness and survival on the land. It is rational to propose that the priority must be focused on rebuilding the Palestinian national movement, one that preserves the unifying national identity, agrees on the forms of liberation struggle, and redefines the Palestinian national project by returning to its origins, represented by freedom and self-determination, and above all, rebuilding its basic pillar, represented by the Palestinian forces and factions, Palestinian popular organizations, and Palestinian unions.

One does not need any intelligence or wisdom to notice the extent of the decline of the Palestinian national movement, starting with the unions, syndicates, and popular organizations, which are experiencing a state of senility and decline, with the exception of some that hold their elections regularly and transparently. The impact of the Palestinian division on them inside and outside the homeland cannot be overlooked. In addition, the reality of the Palestinian factions and forces is no less painful than the unions and syndicates. The Fatah movement, which today constitutes, for objective and subjective reasons, the cornerstone of the Palestinian political system, especially in the West Bank, and a hope for the Palestinians to strengthen their steadfastness and survival on the land, as it is a comprehensive national framework that tolerates differences, diversity, and diligence, and enjoys international acceptance and horizontal extension within Palestinian society in the homeland and diaspora, is not the same Fatah that lived with the citizens their bread, their pain, their sacrifices, and their hopes during the past six decades, and which included Palestinians, Arabs, foreigners, adherents of all heavenly and earthly religions, students, youth, women, the elderly, children, religious and secular people. And the rationalists, the enthusiasts, the advocates of conservative thought, and those who believed in the necessity of drawing inspiration from the socialist-Leninist experience, and those who founded the student battalion and disagreed with Yasser Arafat, so they debated him in the morning, and the debate became heated repeatedly, but he trusted their rifles to protect him and guard his office, which was dozens of meters away from their camp at night. Nor is it that horizon that expanded to diversity, difference, and diligence, and entered every tent of refuge, and every camp in the homeland and the diaspora, and every Palestinian and Arab city, village, neighborhood, and home, and about which Nizar Qabbani wrote his most beautiful poems, "Fatah." Nor is it the renewed and young movement that reflects the diversity of Palestinian society, as today its movement institutions are led and its organizational positions are held by a group of citizens, most of whom are from the civil and military class, whose individual ambitions to improve their working conditions limit the ability of most of them to express their opinions frankly and freely. Add to that all the stagnant pebbles in the waters of Fatah from Oslo until today. Therefore, reforming Fatah, unifying its ranks, and rebuilding it by embracing all its members, regardless of their efforts, abilities, and diversity. It is also necessary for the movement to open up to its people, both the elites and the masses, who hold great love and resentment for Fatah. Fatah must also return to leading the field through a national resistance program based on mobilizing all the energies of our people, as it is qualified for this task, with its capabilities to mobilize and direct, if it invests well in the capabilities of its members and its enlightened thought. Therefore, rebuilding Fatah’s idea, movement, and message, correcting the movement’s relationship with the authority, and liberating it from the burdens of its obligations, as a means, not an end, and a project that must be evaluated and corrected whenever necessary, must precede the reform of the PLO.

As for Hamas, it is experiencing a state of acute alienation from reality. After the major blows dealt by the Iranian axis in the region, starting with the consequences of the Israeli aggression on Lebanon, in which Israel demonstrated shocking intelligence and military superiority, as field data indicated that the Israeli occupation possesses advanced generations of destructive weapons and security capabilities, in light of the worn-out traditional Arab weaponry. Also, there is the fall of the Syrian regime, or Iran's tendencies towards understanding with the US administration, and above all, the heavy price of the October 7 operation, for the results of which Hamas cannot escape responsibility, as it planned and executed it unilaterally, and is now negotiating to end the war in the Gaza Strip in isolation from all Palestinians. Therefore, the demands of citizens and political and societal elites for Hamas to read the reality more realistically and logically, and to rebuild the movement on foundations that are consistent with the data of the stage, must take precedence over its adherence to rule in Gaza, or its insistence on denying reality, ignoring the facts on the ground and the new power equations in the region, as Hamas is required today to reconsider its path over the past four decades. The past, including its educational curriculum for its children, which is still confined to the curriculum of the first Brotherhood school represented by Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Sabiq, the ideas of Sayyid Qutb, the ideological Salafi ideas, and the school of Ibn Taymiyyah after removing his fatwas from their spatial and temporal context, and adopting the position of the Muslim Brotherhood on the issue of governance, imamate, and politics, as well as its regional relations and ties with Iran, which have proven to be a heavy burden on its people and their national interests. It is Hamas’s duty today to champion nationalism over factionalism, and to re-evaluate the previous stage rationally, wisely, and realistically. This must transcend any other priorities.

As for the Islamic Jihad movement, it remains confined within its military wing, despite its genuine popular acceptance and broad-based ideology, enabling it to play a broad political and societal role. Furthermore, its relationship with Iran requires a profound strategic review, one that is consistent with its sacrifices as a national liberation movement, which it has made and continues to make, without becoming embroiled in Palestinian bloodshed, unlike other Islamist movements in Palestine.

The Palestinian leftist forces can be divided, in terms of popular presence, into two categories. The first consists of the Popular and Democratic Fronts, and the People's Party. These forces have a relative presence on the Palestinian scene, as is evident in their presence on the academic and intellectual scene, and their relative presence on the ground. However, these forces generally live off their revolutionary history and the legacy of their founding leaders. Today, these movements suffer from a complex set of crises, foremost among which is their immersion in theorizing at the expense of programs, their alienation from the founding principles, in addition to the leadership crisis, the vagueness of positions, the absence of charismatic figures, their drowning in fruitless ideological conflicts at the expense of the fundamental national struggle, and the rush of a number of their leaders to lead a number of civil society institutions whose funding is based on Western liberal capitalist support, in a scene that calls for both irony and sadness.

The remaining factions of the Palestine Liberation Organization, namely: the Vanguard of the Popular Liberation War – Al-Sa'iqa, the Palestinian Democratic Union (FIDA), the Popular Struggle Front, the Palestine Liberation Front, the Arab Palestinian Front, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command, and the Palestinian National Initiative, suffer from a more complex set of challenges, foremost among which is their inability to attract and mobilize members. Indeed, some of these factions, which have a distinguished history of struggle, have limited membership to the Political Bureau and dozens of members, while they are unable to recruit a single new member in the camps, villages, neighborhoods, or higher education institutions that include hundreds of thousands of students, with the exception of membership arising from family inheritance. To avoid accusing this discourse of generalization and bias, one can review the results of student and local elections over the past years, which witnessed competition between the Fatah and Hamas movements, to demonstrate the level of weakness that these forces suffer from. Moreover, the Palestinian National Initiative movement, despite adopting a mature civil and human rights discourse, lacks an effective popular and organizational presence, especially in the camps. And the villages and popular neighborhoods, and it is almost losing its ability to attract, as a result of the monopoly of the image of the initiative by its Secretary-General, Dr. Mustafa Barghouti, whose image has come to overshadow the institution itself, especially with its lack of tangible and influential resistance action. While the initiative emphasizes resistance in all its forms, it practices a single method, represented by peaceful, non-violent resistance, which makes its discourse lack persuasive power, due to its lack of a model and its presentation of an example, which extends to include all the factions mentioned above, which lack not only the desire, but also the ability to act. In addition to that, the connection of some Palestinian factions to the former Syrian regime, and before that to the Baathist regime in Iraq, constituted one of the reasons for its weakness, and perhaps its complete absence from the Palestinian political scene.

This panoramic picture of the reality of the Palestinian factions, which form the backbone of the national movement, makes the question “Can the PLO be reformed” in light of this tragic reality a legitimate, rational, and essential question, as there is no point in building the most beautiful palaces on dilapidated foundations, because they will inevitably collapse at the first tremor.

We must acknowledge that our factions, without exception, whether Islamist or nationalist, leftist or rightist, are in dire need of comprehensive reconstruction, an honest review, and a real reorientation of course, instead of continuing to wail and fight over the skin of a bear before it is caught or over an authority without authority. We must first acknowledge that the Palestinian national movement is more in need than ever of reconstruction, of learning from its lessons, of returning to its founding principles, and of adopting the most appropriate mechanisms of struggle for the current stage, instead of searching for patchwork solutions that will only further complicate and exacerbate matters.

The Israeli occupation forces continue their aggression on the city of Tulkarm and its camp for the 83rd consecutive day, and on the 70th day on the Nur Shams camp, amid an escalation in the field, including raids, vandalism, and attacks on citizens and their property.

Local sources reported that the city witnessed a heavy deployment of military vehicles and infantry units last night, positioned around Gamal Abdel Nasser Square, Al-Haddadeen Street, and the eastern and southern neighborhoods, amid heavy firing of live ammunition and sound bombs at vehicles and civilians.

Israeli occupation forces detained a number of young men in the southern neighborhood, interrogated them on the spot, and set up a military checkpoint at the old education junction. They began stopping vehicles and checking citizens' IDs, but no arrests were reported.

Infantry forces also stormed the Dhenaba suburb east of the city, positioning themselves near the Attar platforms and carrying out extensive combing and search operations, while their vehicles patrolled the Al-Uqda roundabout area and Al-Firdaws Mosque at its northern entrance.

In Nour Shams camp, late last night, occupation soldiers fired heavy live ammunition at civilians' homes in the Jabal al-Nasr area. Meanwhile, the camp witnesses a daily heavy deployment of occupation vehicles and foot patrols, wreaking havoc and destruction in its neighborhoods and on civilians' property.

An occupation bulldozer also began leveling the schoolyard in Tulkarm camp, and closed its northern entrance with more earth mounds in an attempt to surround and isolate it from its surroundings.

Eyewitnesses reported that the occupation forces placed barbed wire at the entrances to the camp, particularly from the Abu al-Foul and al-Murabba'a neighborhoods, while large numbers of occupation soldiers were deployed in the airport neighborhood and began raiding a number of homes, causing widespread vandalism and destruction.

The occupation continues to seize homes and residential buildings on Nablus Street and the adjacent northern neighborhood, converting them into military barracks after forcibly evacuating their residents. The occupation continues to position its vehicles and bulldozers in the vicinity.

The ongoing Israeli aggression and escalation against the city of Tulkarm and its two camps resulted in the deaths of 13 citizens, including a child and two women, one of whom was eight months pregnant. Dozens more were injured and arrested.

It also resulted in the forced displacement of more than 4,000 families from the Tulkarm and Nur Shams camps, along with hundreds of citizens from the city's northern neighborhood after their homes were seized and a number of them converted into military barracks.

The aggression caused widespread destruction to the infrastructure, including homes, shops, and vehicles, which were completely and partially demolished, burned, vandalized, looted, and stolen. 396 homes were completely destroyed and 2,573 partially destroyed in the Tulkarm and Nur Shams camps, in addition to the closure of their entrances and alleys with earth mounds.

About two weeks ago, Palestinian citizen Yasser Abu Aram, from the northern Jordan Valley, faced a new chapter in his endless suffering after Israeli occupation forces stormed the Ras al-Ahmar community, demolished and dismantled his tents and all of his facilities, and seized them.

About a month earlier, Abu Aram, along with his sons and their families, five families totaling 35 individuals, were forcibly displaced from the Wadi al-Faw community where they lived. They were the last families to be forcibly displaced from the area, with families being displaced one after the other over the course of a year and a half, coinciding with the aggression on the Gaza Strip, as settler attacks in the area escalated and reached extremely dangerous levels.

The forced displacement faced by the Abu Aram family is similar to what hundreds of families have recently faced in the West Bank, particularly in the eastern foothills and Jordan Valley, where settlers backed by the occupation forces have increasingly targeted them. Displacement has escalated to an unprecedented level, coinciding with the war of extermination on the Gaza Strip over the past year and a half.

Data from the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission indicates that 29 communities in the West Bank have been displaced since October 2023.

Speaking to local sources, Abu Aram recounted the details of the settler violence he and his sons and their families endured over the past two months. This violence ultimately forced him to leave Wadi al-Faw, leading to the persecution, demolition, and dismantling of his facilities by the occupation forces in the Ras al-Ahmar area, where he had recently moved, forcing him to leave as well.

Abu Aram points out that life for residents of Wadi al-Faw has become hell over the past decade, following the establishment of two pastoral outposts by settlers on the eastern and western sides of the community. The first of the outposts was established in 2015, while the second was established in 2019.

He asserts that, for many years, he has not known a sense of security, as the settlers have spared no effort to terrorize and assault the residents, forcing them to leave their homes and communities in the Jordan Valley. They then fence off these lands and incorporate them into existing settlements and outposts.

Settler attacks ranged from assaulting citizens in their homes, to assaulting them, to harassing them over their livelihoods, which depend on livestock, by pursuing them in pastures and preventing them from entering them, in addition to trampling over livestock while grazing or stealing them.

Abu Aram adds: "All the suffering we have endured from the settlers over the years is nothing compared to the cruelty we witnessed from them during the last few days before our departure from Wadi al-Faw. At the end of last February, settlers from nearby outposts set up a tent a few meters from our homes, and that's when things started to get more dangerous."

For days afterward, the Abu Aram family lived under what he described as a state of siege, experiencing many forms of fear and being subjected to round-the-clock intimidation and attacks by armed settlers. They were then forcibly removed from the community at the beginning of March, heading to the Ras al-Ahmar area.

According to Mahdi Daraghmeh, head of the Al-Malih Village Council and Bedouin encampments, 13 families were living in the Wadi al-Faw community about a year and a half ago. These families were displaced one by one due to settler terrorism, the most recent being the family of Yasser Abu Aram and his sons, who number five.

Draghmeh estimates that more than 30 families from the northern Jordan Valley alone have been forcibly displaced from their homes due to settler attacks. This coincides with the ongoing aggression on the Gaza Strip, which has been ongoing since October 2023.

Data from the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission also indicates that 29 communities in the West Bank were subjected to forced displacement during the same period. This represents a multiple of the displacements during the previous period. Over the two years prior, only four communities were displaced.

Draghmeh adds that the northern Jordan Valley, which has witnessed escalating settler attacks aimed at forcibly displacing its residents, is also being subjected to an unprecedented assault by the occupation forces, in a clear merging of roles.

He asserts that the occupation forces have recently seized large areas of land, in addition to implementing new laws that allow for the demolition of structures without prior notice. This was recently implemented with the Abu Aram family in the Ras al-Ahmar area, as well as other families in the Jordan Valley.

After the Abu Aram family was displaced from Wadi al-Faw and relocated to Ras al-Ahmar, they began experiencing new forms of suffering in the area where they had settled. The demolition and seizure operations carried out by the occupation forces included all their residential facilities, livestock pens, and their possessions, including electric generators, solar energy systems, and water tanks and tanks.

As a result, the family was forced to move again to a neighboring land in the same Ras al-Ahmar area, where they endured difficult and arduous conditions, while the threat of displacement continued to haunt them.

The family also suffered livestock losses when the occupation forces dismantled the pens while the livestock were inside. A number of iron poles and bars fell on them, leading to the deaths of approximately 10 heads of livestock, one after the other, over the following days. Abu Aram fears further losses to his livestock, which he relies on for his livelihood, due to the damage they sustained and the fact that they are now homeless.

Abu Aram, who owns around 2,000 head of cattle with his sons, asserts that he used to own a larger number in previous years, but that his livestock has gradually diminished in recent years due to several factors, all related to violations and restrictions imposed by settlers and occupation forces, including the persecution of shepherds, the seizure of pastureland, and the remaining springs and water sources.

As a result, shepherds have lost access to water and pasture, and the land has become increasingly cramped for them. They are now forced to purchase fodder year-round and transport water by tanker truck from neighboring areas. This is also a dangerous journey, as residents are subjected to harassment by settlers and occupation forces, who often seize the tankers.

A research paper issued by the Institute for Palestine Studies, published in September 2024, entitled "The Reality of the Agricultural Sector in the Jordan Valley after October 7, 2023," indicates that "before 1967, the Jordan Valley was home to approximately 320,000 Palestinians, but this number has decreased significantly due to the ongoing forced displacement policies implemented by the occupation."

Today, the number of Palestinians in the Jordan Valley does not exceed 65,000, distributed across 27 population centers (Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, 2023). Meanwhile, the number of Israeli settlers has doubled to more than 15,000, living in 37 settlements that seize over 50% of agricultural land (B'Tselem, 2023). These demographic shifts aim to alter the demographic composition of the Jordan Valley and facilitate Israeli control over the region.

According to the paper, "The challenges facing the agricultural and pastoral sector in the Jordan Valley have increased since October 7, 2023, as a result of the Israeli occupation's war of extermination against Gaza and the systematic ethnic displacement campaigns in the West Bank. During this period, the Jordan Valley witnessed an unprecedented escalation in attacks on farmers and shepherds, including the destruction of crops, the cutting down of fruit trees, and the displacement of shepherds from pastures."

These attacks not only aim to undermine agriculture and grazing, but also seek to empty the Jordan Valley of its Palestinian inhabitants, turning it into a purely colonial area.

A recent report by the Israeli anti-settlement movement Peace Now confirms that "the past year, 2024, was marked by a policy of reducing Palestinian space in Areas C and B, and expanding the Israeli presence in these areas."

The report adds that "at least 59 new colonial outposts have been established, most of them agricultural outposts, participating in the land grab and systematic displacement of Palestinians from the area," stressing that "this is an unprecedented number of new colonial outposts. From 1996 to the beginning of 2023, an annual average of less than 7 outposts were established."

Sheikh Ikrima Sabri: They crossed the red lines by performing ancient Talmudic religious rituals in an attempt to delude the world that Al-Aqsa is now under their control.

Rassem Obeidat: The process of total Judaization of Al-Aqsa is approaching, and there is a state of Arab and Islamic "death" that contributes to the implementation of Israeli plans.

Ismail Muslimani: The raids are not merely provocative acts, but rather part of a broader strategy aimed at Judaizing Jerusalem and changing its identity.

Dr. Talal Abu Afifa: Raids on Al-Aqsa Mosque have witnessed a significant escalation since Itamar Ben-Gvir's return to Netanyahu's government.

Tawfiq Taama: The incursions aim to gradually impose a fait accompli, and these policies are part of a larger plan aimed at displacing Jerusalemites from their city.

The past few days have witnessed an unprecedented escalation in settler incursions into the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque (both quantitatively and qualitatively), under the full sponsorship and extensive participation of leaders, ministers, and Knesset members. These incursions included Talmudic rituals and attempts to slaughter sacrificial animals, coinciding with the Jewish celebration of the so-called "Passover."

This escalation in Israeli violations against Al-Aqsa Mosque comes amidst a growing focus on the ongoing war of genocide and ethnic cleansing in the Gaza Strip, as well as political efforts to reach a truce that would halt the bloodshed and allow humanitarian aid to reach more than two million Palestinians living in hellish conditions. This is all part of an effort to establish a new reality at Al-Aqsa Mosque, leading to the imposition of a spatial division similar to that imposed at the Ibrahimi Mosque in the 1990s.

Clerics, writers, and analysts who spoke to Al-Quds said that settlers and Israeli extremists have crossed red lines by performing ancient Talmudic religious rituals in an attempt to delude the world that Al-Aqsa Mosque is now under their control. They emphasized that these incursions are not merely provocative acts, but rather part of a broader strategy aimed at Judaizing Jerusalem and changing its identity.

They noted that raids on Al-Aqsa Mosque have significantly escalated since Itamar Ben-Gvir's return to Netanyahu's government, emphasizing that these raids aim to gradually impose a fait accompli, and that these policies are part of a larger plan aimed at displacing Jerusalemites from their city.

Violating the Palestinian presence to please the extreme right

Sheikh Dr. Ekrima Sabri, head of the Supreme Islamic Council and preacher at Al-Aqsa Mosque, described the settlers' incursions during the Jewish Passover holiday as unprecedented. He said, "The city of Jerusalem has been transformed into a military barracks, and Israeli security forces have tightened the siege around the gates of Al-Aqsa Mosque, preventing Muslims from entering, thus paving the way for hundreds of settlers to storm and desecrate the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque."

Sabry emphasized that what is happening now is a violation and an emptying of the Palestinian presence, and is intended to please the extreme right so that they can play and riot as they please in the holy Al-Aqsa Mosque.

He said: "They have crossed red lines these days by performing ancient Talmudic religious rituals that provoke Muslims' feelings, in an attempt to delude the world that Al-Aqsa is now under their control."

Youth in Jerusalem rush to defend Al-Aqsa

Sheikh Sabri pointed out that on the first day of the Gaza war, we witnessed an escalation by the occupation, which exploited the situation and intensified its measures against worshippers. Meanwhile, we observed the enthusiasm of young people in Jerusalem who came out to defend Al-Aqsa Mosque, demonstrating their popular awareness and commitment to it.

He stressed that Jerusalem has been distinguished from other regions since the beginning of the Gaza War until today, as the occupation has exploited the wartime atmosphere to encroach on Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa Mosque.

He said, "It is true that during the month of Ramadan, under pressure from the masses, the occupation authorities backed down a bit and allowed thousands of worshippers to reach Al-Aqsa Mosque. But as soon as Ramadan ended, these authorities reimposed strict restrictions."

Sheikh Sabri pointed out that, with the recent Jewish holidays approaching, the occupation authorities have begun preventing thousands of young Muslims from entering Al-Aqsa Mosque. These aggressive measures are unacceptable and devoid of any right or legitimacy, as they constitute a blatant assault on the sanctity of the mosque.

Attack on Jordanian custodianship of Al-Aqsa

He said: "During the holy month of Ramadan, there was a large turnout from our people in the 1948 territories, and we thank them for their efforts. However, after Ramadan, this enthusiasm and turnout declined, particularly on Saturdays and Fridays, while extremist incursions occurred on other days as well."

He added: "The call must be directed - as the Prophet Muhammad, peace and blessings be upon him, called - to all Muslims, to make their pilgrimage to the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque."

He emphasized that these violations by the occupation constitute an assault on Al-Aqsa Mosque and the authority of the Islamic Waqf Department. They also represent an attempt to strip Al-Aqsa's guards, who are affiliated with the Islamic Waqf, of these powers, as their movement is paralyzed during Jewish holidays.

Sheikh Sabry concluded by saying, "This constitutes a blatant attack not only on Islamic endowments, but also on Jordanian custodianship of Al-Aqsa Mosque."

Raids with the participation of ministers and Knesset members

For his part, writer and political analyst Rasem Obeidat said that the repeated incursions into Al-Aqsa Mosque, with unprecedented numbers and official participation from ministers, Knesset members, and rabbis, are a clear indication of the growing threat posed by the occupation.

He added: These incursions come within the context of a systematic plan to Judaize Al-Aqsa Mosque, which goes beyond what is known as the temporal and spatial divisions, but rather impose new realities in Al-Aqsa, and change the religious, historical and legal character of Al-Aqsa, such that the Al-Aqsa Mosque is being transferred from its Islamic era to the Jewish era, and its special Islamic sanctity is being stripped away, in terms of the shared sanctity, Islamic-Jewish temporarily, in exchange for the Muslim sheikh a Jewish rabbi, and in exchange for the Muslim worshipper a Jewish worshipper and in exchange for the Muslim child a Jewish child.

Obaidat emphasized that the mastermind behind the project to Judaize Al-Aqsa Mosque is the so-called Jewish Minister of National Security, Ben-Gvir, who has stormed Al-Aqsa eight times since his appointment. He boasts that the Judaization and imposition of new realities at Al-Aqsa achieved during his tenure has not been achieved for 30 years. He also expresses his joy at the participation of Knesset members such as Zvi Sukkot and Amelet Halevi, and rabbis such as the extremist Rabbi Shimshon Elbaum and Arnon Segal, an activist in the so-called Temple Faithful group, in the storming operations.

Completion of the ritual of reviving the spiritual structure

Obaidat pointed out that the process of complete Judaization of Al-Aqsa is approaching, as is the case with the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron. There is a state of Arab and Islamic "death" that contributes to the implementation of Israeli Judaization projects and plans. They have completed everything known as the rituals of reviving the spiritual temple: public individual and collective Talmudic and Torah prayers, epic prostration, the introduction of prayer shawls and black wraps, entering in the white garb of priests, the blowing of the trumpet, and the introduction of plant throne offerings into the heart of Al-Aqsa Mosque, consisting of saffron leaves, palm fronds, and dried citrus fruits. What remains for them is the introduction of what are known as Passover animal offerings and their slaughter in Al-Aqsa Mosque, as the final ritual of the "revival of the spiritual temple." After that, the transition will take place to practically establish the Third Temple, preceded by the establishment of a Jewish synagogue in the eastern region in place of the Bab al-Rahma prayer hall, and after that the slaughter of what is known as the red cow, five of which were brought from the American state of Texas, "bred" through genetic engineering. That cow, which had completed its legal age of "two years," was intended to be slaughtered on the summit of Mount Sinai.

Expect a tsunami of extremists storming Al-Aqsa

Obaidat confirmed that plans are currently underway to slaughter the cow in the heart of Al-Aqsa Mosque and scatter its blood over as many rabbis as possible, in order to circumvent the decision of the so-called Chief Rabbinate not to ascend to what is known as the Temple Mount, as they refuse to ascend without a clause to purify themselves from the impurity of graves. The ashes of the slaughtered cow will be scattered over as many rabbis as possible, to purify themselves from the impurity of graves.

He added: “We will witness a ‘tsunami’ of extremists storming Al-Aqsa. Instead of 100-150 settlers daily, the number will become 1,000-1,500 settlers daily. This means that the Judaization of Al-Aqsa and the threat to it have become serious and great. Arabs and Muslims will continue to repeat the lie of religious war and religious conflict, while they do not lift a finger regarding the place of ascension of their Prophet Muhammad, peace and blessings be upon him, and their first qibla.”

Obaidat recalled what former Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir said after Michael Rohan, a Jew of Australian origin, burned Al-Aqsa Mosque on August 21, 1969, including the historic pulpit of Saladin. She said that she stayed up all night crying, fearing for the fate of her country, fearing that it would be invaded by Arab and Islamic armies due to the desecration and burning of Al-Aqsa. When dawn broke and nothing had happened, she said: "Now we can do anything without fear, for this nation is a vocal phenomenon."

Changing the historical and legal status of Al-Aqsa Mosque

In turn, Ismail Muslimani, an expert on Israeli affairs, said that the repeated incursions into Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound carry multiple messages and objectives, and lead to dangerous consequences on the religious, political, and social levels.

He added, "One of these messages is that the Israeli occupation, through these incursions, seeks to send a clear message that it is imposing its control over Jerusalem and Islamic holy sites. The incursions are used as a tool to provoke Palestinians and push them to react in ways that justify further repression."

Muslimani explained that the occupation aims to change the historical and legal status of Al-Aqsa Mosque, demonstrating clear Judaization intentions.

Regarding the objectives, he said, "The occupation seeks to divide Al-Aqsa Mosque between Muslims and Jewish settlers, as happened with the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron." He added, "Extremist groups seek to build the 'Temple' on the ruins of Al-Aqsa Mosque, which is a long-term strategic goal."

He added that the raids also aim to undermine the morale of the Palestinians and weaken their steadfastness.

Regarding the consequences, Muslimani explained that these incursions lead to an escalation of tensions in Jerusalem and the Palestinian territories, increasing the likelihood of clashes.

He believes that the raids fuel religious conflict, threatening peace in the region.

In contrast, Muslimani said that these practices strengthen the Palestinians' steadfastness and unify their ranks in confronting the occupation.

Devotion to spatial and temporal division

He emphasized that the incursions are not merely provocative acts, but rather part of a broader strategy aimed at Judaizing Jerusalem and changing its identity. He noted that these repeated incursions into Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound carry profound strategic, political, and religious dimensions and are used as a tool to achieve long-term goals.

He explained that one of the strategic dimensions is imposing spatial control, as the occupation seeks to change the status quo at Al-Aqsa Mosque by dividing it temporally and spatially, paving the way for permanent control. He noted that these incursions are part of a broader strategy to Judaize Jerusalem and alter its historical identity.

He added, "The incursions aim to spread fear and frustration among Palestinians, weakening their ability to resist. The occupation uses these incursions as a means to demonstrate its strength and control to the international community."

Regarding the political dimensions, Maslamani noted that the Israeli government uses these incursions to gain support from extreme right-wing movements within Israel. They are also seen as a means of appeasing hardline religious groups pressing for their goals.

He added that the occupation, through these incursions, seeks to impose a new fait accompli, which will complicate any future negotiations on Jerusalem.

Building the "alleged temple" on the ruins of the mosque

He pointed to the religious dimensions, including the revival of biblical narratives, with extremist groups seeking to promote religious narratives calling for the construction of the "alleged temple" on the ruins of Al-Aqsa Mosque.

He explained that these narratives are used as a tool to justify the incursions before the Israeli and international community, noting that Al-Aqsa Mosque is considered a religious and cultural symbol for Palestinians and Muslims around the world, and targeting it is an attempt to undermine this symbolism.

Regarding the repercussions and consequences, Muslimani said that the raids lead to an escalation of tensions in Jerusalem and the Palestinian territories, increasing the likelihood of violent confrontations. He added that these tensions could spread to other countries, threatening the stability of the region.

He emphasized, however, that these incursions strengthen the Palestinians' steadfastness and unify their ranks in confronting the occupation. Consequently, Al-Aqsa Mosque becomes a symbol of resistance, which stimulates popular and international support for the Palestinian cause.

Muslimani considered the visit of Knesset members and Israeli officials, along with recent statements by National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who said, "For the first time in 30 years, prayer, prostration, singing, and dancing are taking place at Al-Aqsa Mosque," a real threat to the status quo at Al-Aqsa Mosque, and clearly demonstrates that Israel has violated international and historical laws governing the status of Jerusalem and its holy sites.

Concluding his statement to Al-Quds, Maslamani emphasized that the repeated incursions into Al-Aqsa Mosque are no longer merely provocative acts, but rather part of a systematic strategy aimed at changing the political and religious reality in the holy city. However, the steadfastness and resilience of the Palestinians, along with the growing international support for their cause, confirm that this strategy faces strong resistance and real challenges at the popular and diplomatic levels.

An international position that does not go beyond the limits of "condemnations and denunciations."

For his part, Dr. Talal Abu Afifa, a member of the General Secretariat of the General Union of Palestinian Writers and Authors, confirmed that raids on Al-Aqsa Mosque have witnessed a significant escalation since the return of Itamar Ben-Gvir to the Israeli government headed by Benjamin Netanyahu.

He pointed out that Ben-Gvir enjoys clear support from Netanyahu and the majority of the government's components in all his provocative actions and ongoing incitement against Jerusalemites and Palestinians in general.

Abu Afifa explained that the Israeli Prime Minister is counting on Ben-Gvir's support to prevent the collapse of his government, especially since Ben-Gvir's Otzma Yehudit party holds eight of the 14 seats it obtained through its alliance with Bezalel Smotrich. Conversely, Ben-Gvir needs Netanyahu's cover to continue his extremist policies under a government described as "entirely right-wing."

Abu Afifa criticized the international community's silence regarding the repeated violations taking place at Al-Aqsa Mosque and the genocide being perpetrated against people, trees, and stones in the Gaza Strip. He argued that the international stance does not go beyond "condemnations and denunciations," which have no impact on the ground.

Abu Afifa said: While European countries rushed to impose severe sanctions on Russia for its occupation of parts of Ukraine and the killing of hundreds of civilians, they continue to impose those sanctions to this day. What happened in Ukraine represents only 5% of the systematic destruction and killing that the Gaza Strip has suffered, without receiving similar deterrence from the international community.

Symbolic and strategic messages and goals

For his part, writer and researcher Tawfiq Ta'ma asserted that the ongoing incursions into the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque by Israeli settlers are carried out under official sponsorship and with the support of the Israeli security and military establishment. They carry multiple messages and objectives, some symbolic and some strategic, that vary from period to period according to political and security circumstances.

Taama explained that Israel has been seeking for years to impose a temporal and spatial division at Al-Aqsa Mosque, and has already succeeded in imposing a kind of temporal division, setting specific times for settlers to enter.

He added that the next phase of this project involves attempting to implement spatial division, as previously occurred at the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron.

He pointed out that the continued incursions are part of a policy of gradually imposing a fait accompli, noting that the number of settlers invading the area is increasing daily, reaching hundreds on some days, which constitutes a dangerous precedent.

He emphasized that extremist ministers like Itamar Ben-Gvir use the Al-Aqsa issue to gain support from their far-right base, particularly during times of political tension or during elections, by flexing their muscles and asserting control over Jerusalem.

He also pointed out that these incursions aim to provoke Palestinians and drag them into confrontations, as worshippers and worshippers are assaulted and expelled from the mosque's courtyards to provide a safe environment for settlers to perform their religious rituals. This constitutes a blatant provocation to Muslims around the world.

Preventing influential Jerusalem figures from entering the mosque

Taama explained that the occupation authorities are preventing many influential Jerusalemite figures from entering Al-Aqsa Mosque, in an attempt to silence voices conveying the truth to the world. They also impose strict restrictions on Palestinian entry, sometimes extending to a six-month ban.

He added that these policies are part of a larger plan aimed at displacing Jerusalemites from their city, through revoking residency permits, confiscating homes, and demolishing real estate and industrial facilities under the pretext of lacking permits. This makes life in Jerusalem unbearable and forces Palestinians to forcibly leave.

Taama emphasized that extremist Jewish groups have clear ideological and religious motivations, through which they seek to demolish Al-Aqsa Mosque and build the so-called "Third Temple." He noted that extremist religious thought has become the dominant ideology within Israeli society, which is increasingly leaning toward the extreme right.

At the end of his statement to Al-Quds, Taama warned that the repetition of these incursions aims to make them "normal" and acceptable, not only to Palestinians but also to international public opinion, which has begun to treat these violations as ordinary events. He emphasized that this is extremely dangerous, as it reinforces the Israeli narrative, obscures the truth, and threatens the Palestinian presence in the Holy City.

A number of citizens were killed and others were injured when Israeli occupation aircraft bombed the city of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip.

Local sources reported that five civilians were killed and dozens injured when a tent housing displaced members of the al-Qadi family was targeted on Roni Saleh Street in the al-Mawasi area, west of Khan Yunis.

Four civilians, including two children and a girl, were also killed, and others were injured, when a tent housing displaced persons belonging to the Abu Nada family was bombed in the same area.

Local sources confirmed the death of one citizen and the injury of 20 others, including 15 children, some of whom sustained serious injuries, when Israeli warplanes bombed the Abu Shamala family home in the western camp of Khan Yunis.

In Gaza City, a number of citizens were killed and others injured when the occupation forces targeted a tent on Abu Hasira Street in the west.

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) said that no aid has entered the Gaza Strip since March 2.

UNRWA indicated, in tweets on the "X" platform, that this period is three times longer than the blockade imposed in October 2023.

She noted that approximately 69% of the Gaza Strip is subject to forced displacement orders following the issuance of at least 20 such orders by the Israeli military. She explained that UN estimates indicate that approximately 420,000 citizens have been displaced again since Israel resumed its offensive on Gaza.

She pointed out that approximately 90% of the Gaza Strip's population was displaced from their homes during the Israeli war on the Strip.

She stressed that the resumption of bombing and the lack of access to humanitarian supplies are impacting the ability of humanitarian agencies to meet the needs of Gaza's citizens, including food, water, sanitation, shelter, and other needs.

Earlier this month, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) reported that 1.9 million people had been forcibly displaced amidst bombing, fear, and loss in the Gaza Strip.

Israeli bulldozers demolished several homes in the al-Damj neighborhood of Jenin refugee camp on Wednesday, as the Israeli aggression against the camp continues.

According to the Jenin Municipality, estimates indicate that the occupation has demolished approximately 600 homes in the camp since the beginning of its aggression 79 days ago, in addition to rendering 3,200 housing units uninhabitable.

A number of citizens were killed and others were injured when Israeli warplanes bombed a group of citizens in the Al-Jurn area of Jabalia, north of the Gaza Strip.

Jamal Ahmed Omeira Al-Tarabin was also killed as a result of shelling that targeted the Qizan Rashwan area, south of Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip.

Medical sources announced the death of citizen Musa Ibrahim Za'rab, who succumbed to his wounds sustained on Thursday following an Israeli bombardment of the Al-Shakoush area, northwest of Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip.

Paramedic Yasser Adel Qudaih and young man Suleiman Abu Daraz were also martyred after the occupation targeted a group of citizens and bombed a house in the town of Abasan al-Kabira, east of Khan Yunis. They were subsequently transferred to the European Hospital.

At least seven civilians were killed and dozens more wounded, including women, children, and the elderly, most of them seriously, on Friday when the Israeli occupation forces bombed a house southeast of Gaza City.

Local sources reported that Israeli warplanes bombed the home of the Nassar family in the vicinity of Al-Sikka Street in the Al-Zeitoun neighborhood, southeast of Gaza City, resulting in the martyrdom of: Abdul Latif Nassar, Nayef Abdul Latif Nassar, Amani Abdul Latif Nassar, Rowan Abdul Latif Nassar, and Hala Abdul Latif Nassar.

Medical sources reported that 43 civilians were killed in several raids launched by Israeli occupation forces on the Gaza Strip since dawn today.

Today, Friday, the Israeli occupation forces bulldozed main and side streets in the town of Burqin, west of Jenin.

Local sources said that occupation bulldozers began razing streets between the towns of Burqin and Al-Hashimiya, west of Jenin, in addition to side roads.

The occupation forces also arrested the young man, Thaera Samar, while he was riding his motorcycle near the town of Nazlat Zeid, west of Jenin.

The occupation's aggression on the city and camp of Jenin continues for the 88th consecutive day, leaving 38 martyrs and dozens of injuries and arrests.

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) said that the stifling blockade imposed by the Israeli occupation authorities on the Gaza Strip for nearly seven weeks is the most severe since the start of the aggression on October 7, 2023.

This came in a report published by the agency on Friday regarding the current situation in the Gaza Strip, which has been subjected to Israeli aggression for more than a year and a half.

UNRWA stated that 420,000 citizens have been displaced again in the Gaza Strip since March 18 due to the renewed aggression.

The agency confirmed that the lack of humanitarian aid entering Gaza and the ongoing blockade imposed by Israel for nearly seven weeks are more severe than the initial period following October 7, 2023.

She stated that as a result of the blockade, vital humanitarian supplies in Gaza, including food, fuel, medical aid, and vaccines for children, are rapidly running out.

She pointed out that many civilians have lost their lives due to the occupation's bombing since the ceasefire agreement was violated on March 18.

US media sources reported on Friday that Iran proposed a three-stage agreement during talks last Saturday (April 25) in Muscat, Oman, that would limit uranium enrichment to the same levels agreed upon in the 2015 agreement from which US President Donald Trump withdrew in May 2018, in exchange for lifting US sanctions.

According to the International Iran News Agency, Iran's proposal would temporarily reduce uranium enrichment to 3.67%, the level set in the 2015 agreement (which Trump withdrew from during his first term). In exchange, the United States would allow Iran to access frozen financial assets and export its oil in the first phase, the agency reported. Uranium is considered weapons-grade when enriched to 90%.

In the second phase, the United States will lift more sanctions and prevent the return of UN sanctions, according to Iran International. In return, Iran will reportedly allow the UN's International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to resume inspections of nuclear sites, while implementing the Additional Protocol, which allows the agency to conduct surprise inspections of undeclared sites.

During Saturday's talks, Tehran proposed a three-stage agreement that would limit uranium enrichment to the same levels agreed upon in the faltering 2015 deal in exchange for the lifting of US sanctions, the opposition Iran International News Agency reported Thursday, citing three diplomatic sources.

According to Iran International, Iran's proposal would temporarily reduce uranium enrichment to 3.67%, the level set in the 2015 agreement that Trump withdrew from during his first term. In exchange, the United States would allow Iran to access frozen financial assets and export its oil in the first phase, the agency reported.

It's worth noting that uranium is considered weapons-grade when enriched to 90%. In the second phase, the United States will lift further sanctions and prevent the reimposition of UN sanctions, according to Iran International.

In return, Iran will reportedly allow the UN's International Atomic Energy Agency to resume inspections of nuclear sites, while implementing the Additional Protocol, which allows the agency to conduct surprise inspections of undeclared sites.

In the final phase, the report stated that Iran would transfer its highly enriched uranium stockpiles to a third country, the US Congress would ratify the nuclear agreement, and the Trump administration would lift primary and secondary sanctions.

According to the agency, White House Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff surprised the Iranian delegation by welcoming the offer made by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi during their talks in Oman. This report comes as Witkoff and Araqchi are scheduled to hold a second round of talks in Rome on Saturday, April 19th and 25th. Witkoff indicated on Monday that the White House is seeking an agreement that limits, rather than destroys, Iran's nuclear program, with a minimum limit on uranium enrichment and inspections to ensure that Iran is not advancing toward potential weapons development.

However, the next day, he toughened his stance, saying that any agreement would require the Islamic Republic to "cease and eliminate its nuclear enrichment and weapons programs."

Iran insists it is not seeking nuclear weapons, but since December it has increased its already substantial stockpile of 60% enriched uranium by about half and is on track to nearly quadruple its uranium ore production this year, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency.

The New York Times reported on Thursday that President Donald Trump, who had threatened to bomb Iranian nuclear sites, had "backed off" such an attack planned by Israel next month. Trump, who instead opted to begin negotiations with Tehran, partially confirmed the report later Thursday, saying, "I wouldn't say 'backed off,' but I'm in no rush."

Ten civilians were killed and others injured on Friday when the occupation forces bombed a tent housing displaced people in the Zeitoun neighborhood and a barbershop tent in Khan Yunis.

Local sources reported that an Israeli drone targeted a tent housing displaced persons near the Badr Mosque in the al-Zeitoun neighborhood, southeast of Gaza City, killing four civilians and wounding others.

She added that an Israeli drone bombed a barbershop in central Khan Yunis, killing six civilians.

Medical sources said that 38 citizens were killed in the occupation's bombing of various areas in the Gaza Strip since dawn on Friday.

The death toll in the Gaza Strip has risen to 51,065, and the number of injuries to 116,505, since the start of the aggression on October 7, 2023.

Khalil al-Hayya, head of the negotiating delegation and head of Hamas in the Gaza Strip, welcomed the position of Adam Boehler, US President Trump's special envoy, on Friday, to end the prisoner and war issues together.

Al-Hayya indicated in a statement that the position intersects with the movement's position of readiness to reach a comprehensive agreement on a single prisoner exchange package, in exchange for a cessation of war, the occupation's withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, and reconstruction.

Israeli occupation forces on Friday suppressed a protest against settlement activity and land seizures, arresting three citizens in the town of Adh Dhahiriya, south of Hebron.

Citizen Rakad Al-Hawarin, one of the owners of lands seized by settlers, said that the occupation forces suppressed a protest organized by the owners of lands bulldozed by the occupation to pave roads and build a colonial outpost in the Anab Al-Kabira area in the town of Adh Dhahiriya.

He pointed out that the occupation forces arrested three citizens: Ahmed Mohammed Al-Hawarin, Shadi Atta Al-Hawarin, and Amin Rateb Al-Hawarin, and forced the citizens to evacuate the area by force and at gunpoint.

Citizens were injured on Friday when settlers attacked them in the village of Farkha and the town of Bidya in the Salfit Governorate.

Local sources reported that settlers attacked a group of citizens while they were in the "Al-Yanbou" area in the village of Farkha, southwest of Salfit, under the protection of occupation forces, who detained the citizens for several hours.

She added that three other citizens were injured and bruised in an attack carried out by settlers in the Khallet Hassan area, north of the town of Bidya.

Eyewitnesses reported that the settlers assaulted Ahmed Sarsour from the village of Sarta, and the brothers Saqr and Abdul Rahim Al-Aqraa from the town of Bidya. Sarsour was transferred to Salfit Governmental Hospital for treatment, while the occupation forces detained the Al-Aqraa brothers and transferred them to the "Yakir" settlement camp, which is built on citizens' lands.

It's worth noting that the Khallet Hassan area has been witnessing repeated attempts by settlers to seize citizens' land by installing caravans and grazing sheep, in an attempt to impose a new reality on the ground.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected a Palestinian request to allow Jordanian helicopters to land in Ramallah to transport Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas directly from Ramallah to Syria, Israeli Army Radio reported Friday.

The radio station reported that Abbas had requested that Israel allow Jordanian helicopters to land in Ramallah and transport him to Damascus for a meeting with the head of the new Syrian administration, Ahmad al-Sharaa.

After Netanyahu rejected this request, Abbas was forced to travel by car from Ramallah to the Allenby Bridge crossing and enter Jordanian territory, from where he was flown by Jordanian helicopter to Damascus.

The radio indicated that Netanyahu's office did not comment on this report.

Settlers uprooted hundreds of olive trees and bulldozed about 2,000 dunams of Palestinian land in the village of Umm Safa, northwest of Ramallah.

Local sources reported that the settlers uprooted at least 500 olive trees, most of which were perennial, and paved a dirt road in the southern part of the village, linking the settlements of "Halamish" to the west and "Ateret" to the east.

She noted that settler bulldozers, under the protection of the occupation army, have been operating in the area for four days, while the occupation forces forcibly prevent citizens from reaching or approaching their lands.

She pointed out that the settlers had seized hundreds of dunams in the southern region, with the aim of transforming it into a pastoral colonial outpost.

She said there is a plan to displace the village's residents and establish a large colonial settlement complex on the lands and homes of the citizens, linking it to the two neighboring settlements, especially since it is the only village whose entrances have remained closed since the war of extermination, and have not been opened for a single minute.

Umm Safa's area is estimated at 4,000 dunams, of which only 300 dunams remain due to the occupation's measures, land encroachment, and the seizure of vast areas of it. This is the same area on which the citizens' homes are located.

The Civil Defense in Gaza warned on Friday that some of its vehicles in the Gaza Strip's governorates are at risk of stopping operation due to a lack of fuel.

Civil Defense confirmed in a statement that its crews will be unable to respond to humanitarian interventions within a few days if fuel supplies to the Gaza Strip continue to be blocked, amid escalating Israeli aggression.

He called for pressure on the Israeli occupation authorities to allow the entry of sufficient quantities of fuel to international relief organizations, which in turn supply humanitarian services with the fuel they need.

Strategically, Israel hopes that dismantling the Iranian nuclear program, through a large-scale military attack or negotiations, will deal a severe blow to the regime, leading to its downfall, "similar to what happened to the Gaddafi regime in Libya. Only then, according to the conviction in Israel, will the nuclear threat to us be removed, and as long as the regime exists, Iran will be able to restore the nuclear program," according to a report by security analyst Ron Ben-Yishai in the Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper on Friday.

There is a prevailing belief within the Israeli security establishment that if Israel does not act within a few months to destroy the Iranian nuclear program, it will miss a “historic opportunity.” According to the report, “the assessments of all Israeli security officials, as well as many officials in the Pentagon and American intelligence agencies, are that the achievements of the Iron Swords War (which Israel has been waging on several fronts since October 7), especially the recent attack in Iran, along with the economic and social nadir it is facing, open a window of opportunity to attack and completely destroy the nuclear facilities.”

The report added that "the window of opportunity will be open for a short period, perhaps only months. Once it closes, the attack will be much less effective, and the attacker will pay a heavy price. Another important consideration is that the term of US Central Command Commander Michael Kurilla, who supports attacking nuclear facilities, will end in several months, and it is not possible to know the position of his successor in the position and the extent to which he can be relied upon to support Israel on this issue."

The report indicated that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wanted to launch the attack as soon as possible, and that the Israeli security establishment had begun developing "an alternative plan for a large-scale air attack that would require American assistance, not only to defend Israel from an Iranian response, but also on the offensive side."

According to the report, there is no anger in Israel over the New York Times report yesterday that US President Donald Trump, during his meeting with Netanyahu last week, prevented Israel from attacking Iran now. Israel understands that leaking Trump's position to the American newspaper was intended to "put pressure on Iran and highlight the existence of a serious and specific military threat."

On the other hand, Israelis fear that Trump, despite his threats against Iran and the buildup of American military forces in the region, will not resort to military action against Iran later, lest he pose a threat to American forces in the region. Therefore, they believe that "Trump will prefer to compromise on a bad nuclear agreement, simply so he can boast of a diplomatic achievement."

According to Israeli estimates, one of two scenarios will materialize. The first, and preferred by Israel, is that negotiations between the United States and Iran reach a dead end, leading to a US-Israeli military operation against Iran. Iran will then be "more flexible and open to accepting US-Israeli demands regarding its nuclear and missile disarmament, and negotiations will then resume in a manner that allows for results acceptable to Israel."

The second possibility, which Israel is most concerned about, according to the report, is that Trump will move toward an interim agreement with Iran before his visit to the region next month. "Such an agreement would prevent a military operation and would not achieve the goal Israel seeks. The attack plan covered in the New York Times report yesterday aims to bring about the downfall of the regime, not just to set back the race to the bomb by a year or two. To achieve this, all components of Iran's power must be destroyed—nuclear facilities, its missile-making system, and Revolutionary Guard bases. For this reason, Israel needs American operational assistance."

The report stated that CIA Director John Ratcliffe, during his visit to Israel last week, suggested that if a large-scale attack against Iran is not launched, it is possible to carry out large-scale cyber sabotage operations against the Iranian nuclear program, similar to the US-Israeli operation carried out in 2006.

The report added that Israeli political officials are publicly stating that they are not sure where Trump is going, "or whether the US president and his envoy (Steve Witkoff) know what they want. Although Israel will have an independent and effective offensive capability against Iranian nuclear facilities within a relatively short period, it is not at all certain that Trump, who has so far blocked a joint plan, will give the green light. It is very possible that the only opportunity will be wasted and the window of opportunity for regime change in Iran will close."

Dozens of settlers stormed the summit of Mount Al-Arma in the town of Beita, south of Nablus, on Friday.

Local sources said that dozens of settlers, under the protection of the occupation army, stormed the summit of Mount Al-Arma, engaging in acts of violence and provocation against the local residents.

In a related context, the head of the Iraq Burin Village Council, Jibran Qadous, said that settler bulldozers continue to pave a colonial road on citizens' land.

He added that the lands where the bulldozing is taking place are located in the vicinity of the "Bracha" settlement, which was built on citizens' land, and that the continuation of the bulldozing means the seizure of more village land.

The Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network warned of the dire humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, as a month and a half has passed since the complete closure of crossings and the complete ban on the entry of humanitarian aid.

In a statement issued yesterday, the network denounced the occupation's attempts to impose plans related to controlling humanitarian aid and its distribution mechanisms, including the militarization of aid, in flagrant violation of international conventions, treaties, and humanitarian principles.

The network welcomed the UN Secretary-General's statements and his rejection of any aid distribution mechanisms by the occupation army that violate the principles of humanitarian action.

The network expressed its deep concern over the continued international silence regarding the genocidal crimes perpetrated by the occupation against Palestinian civilians, including killing, destruction, and an unprecedented siege.

The network confirmed the spread of famine in the Gaza Strip, with malnutrition rates rising, particularly among children and women, amid the lack of most food items and essential supplements for children and the sick.

She pointed to the severe deterioration of the health system as a result of direct targeting by the occupation, and the depletion of medicines and medical supplies, including those for chronic diseases, threatening the lives of thousands of wounded and sick people.

She also noted the worsening health crisis caused by the lack of clean water for drinking and daily use, the spread of sewage, and the accumulation of more than 600,000 tons of waste throughout the Gaza Strip, in addition to the lack of cleaning materials and basic hygiene supplies.

The network noted the continued forced displacement of more than 90% of the Gaza Strip's population, with two-thirds of the territory evacuated amid complex and extremely difficult humanitarian conditions, with basic shelter supplies such as tents, blankets, clothing, and other essential needs, particularly for children and women.

She explained that the Gaza Strip is being subjected to the most horrific forms of aggression, including continuous bombardment, targeting of civilians, systematic destruction of infrastructure, and the erasure of entire families from the civil registry.

The network called for immediate and urgent international intervention to halt the Israeli aggression, lift the blockade, and ensure the unrestricted entry of humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip. It also called for holding the occupation accountable for its crimes and halting all arms supplies to the occupation.

It also called on all international parties to reject the occupation's plans to control the process of distributing humanitarian aid, which includes a grave danger to the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, and not to deal with it, and to work diligently and intensively to pressure the occupation to open the crossings and bring in humanitarian aid in all its forms to those who deserve it through Palestinian and international institutions.

The network emphasized that Gaza's children are the most targeted by the occupation, comprising the largest number of victims and suffering greatly from the repercussions of the worsening humanitarian crisis at all levels.

Due to unforeseen circumstances over the past month, I was unable to respond to requests from my brothers and sisters on Arab television stations or newspaper correspondents to answer questions related to the situation in the region. Nor, as a veteran of the Jordanian and Gulf economic experience, was I able to answer questions from many of my Jordanian brothers concerned about the policies of US President Donald Trump and their profound impact on the economies of the region and the Jordanian economy in particular.

We know that the Jordanian people, in all their components, are concerned about their economy, whose nominal annual GDP is valued at $54 billion, or the purchasing power parity equivalent of $141.2 billion. Jordan ranks 91st globally, according to 2024 figures.

The nominal per capita income (NPCI) is approximately $4,705, or approximately $12,400 per year in purchasing power parity. These figures demonstrate that Jordan is a middle-income country, commensurate with its potential and natural resources.

During the period of successive crises since 2008 until now, starting with the collapse of the global real estate and financial markets in that year, then the devastating Arab Spring that shattered the dreams of the Arab nation and its countries, which extended until this writing (Sudan, Libya, Syria, and Iraq), through the COVID-19 pandemic, and ending with the war in Gaza, the West Bank, southern Syria, and southern Lebanon. Throughout all these crises, Jordan, along with the six sister countries in the Gulf and Egypt, has been the most steadfast. If we measure the consequences borne by Jordan in comparison to its limited resources and available capabilities, we would see it as the most capable Arab country in responding with high flexibility and effectiveness to the emergencies it faced.

Since the Hani Mulki government, in which I served as Deputy Prime Minister and head of the ministerial economic team for a short period of just over six months, and the subsequent governments of Omar Razzaz, Bisher Al-Khasawneh, and Jafar Hassan, the Jordanian economy has achieved growth rates ranging between 2.2% and 2.5% per year, within an inflation rate of approximately 4% per year. Unemployment rates fluctuate seasonally between 18% and 22%, and poverty rates are no less than 14%, with emerging cases of extreme poverty.

However, there are positive indicators that have supported Jordan, including increased Jordanian economic exchange with major countries outside the Arab world, such as the United States, China, and India. Its largest Arab trading partners are Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Egypt. However, it is clear that Jordan, which exports approximately $16 billion annually, sends $3 billion of that to the United States, most of which is clothing, under the free trade agreement between the two countries. Furthermore, $1.5 billion or more will be coming to Jordan by the end of 2024 from the United States in the form of aid, of which approximately $850 million is allocated to support the budget.

In the absence of Arab support, these two figures (exports to the United States and aid from it) would amount to approximately $4.5 billion annually. However, any serious dispute with the United States would impact Jordan far more significantly. The Caesar Act limits trade and services with neighboring Syria and prevents the supply of electricity to Lebanon. The only outlet through which Jordan has begun exporting its surplus electricity is the one leading to western Iraq, in Anbar Governorate, on the Jordanian-Iraqi border. Therefore, the continuation of the war on Gaza with blatant American support, along with the Jewish state's violation of all international norms, systems, and rules in the occupied West Bank, its threat to annex the territory, and its depopulation of Gaza in agreement with Trump, will impose new challenges on Jordan.

Faced with this reality and these challenges, the hearts of Jordanians—even though made of steel—cannot remain still and unshakable in the face of these fluctuations. It is noticeable that these fears of the past, present, and future have left many Jordanians in a state of shock, and some seem drunk when they are not, walking on a hot tin roof, as depicted in the American writer Tennessee Williams' play "Cat on a Hot Tin Roof."

We've recently noticed a rise in drug use and smuggling. Our brothers in Saudi Arabia periodically bring us news of Jordanians being executed for drug smuggling, most of which originates via Syria. We've begun to see a language we thought had died out, speaking of disagreements between Jordan's various communities. The language of bravado and bravado has once again resurfaced.

The reason is not only the government's failure to support and expand social protection programs, starting with King Abdullah II, Crown Prince Hussein bin Abdullah II, Queen Rania Al Abdullah, the Hashemite Charity Organization, the Ministry of Social Development, and the Royal Hashemite Court, but also the work of charitable associations and civil society organizations, including professional and labor unions, and active women's movements, of which one is proud. All of this exists, but the "pile" of concerns is growing and growing every day. The number of bounced checks in Jordan increased by 10% in 2024 compared to the previous year. Furthermore, many Jordanians are resorting to borrowing or liquidating fixed assets such as real estate to cover the liquidity shortage resulting from Jordanians spending more than their income.

All of these are attempts by Jordanian families to make ends meet in light of rising prices, with many of what were once considered luxury goods now considered essential goods. The irregular transportation system, despite efforts to regulate it, forces families to purchase one or more cars. Furthermore, the number of mobile phones in Jordan, according to the latest available statistics, exceeds the number of its population. Jordan ranks 62nd among countries in this indicator.

The reality that places even greater pressure on Jordan is the decline in trade with its neighbors, especially Syria, Iraq, and the occupied West Bank, whose entrances are controlled by the occupying power.

But there are other issues. Jordanians are among the world's largest cigarette consumers, accounting for 43% of the population. The smoking ban is one of the most frequently violated laws in Jordan, even by members of parliament (now it's becoming more stringent).

Here the dilemma becomes apparent, as Jordan, on the one hand, collects from various taxes and fees on cars, fuel, cigarettes, and beverages in general, especially soft drinks, amounts that may approach four billion dinars, or approximately 40% of all taxes (especially sales), which makes the government in solidarity with smokers and consumers of fossil fuels and their derivatives, cars, and soft drinks.

On the other hand, studies on the amount the public treasury incurs annually due to spending on treating patients (cancer, diabetes, heart disease, and kidney failure) due to this consumption indicate that it is insufficient.

Most economic questions in Jordan currently focus not on these social, familial, and humanitarian issues that must be addressed, but rather on the questions of high-income earners or expatriate workers who want to preserve their hard-earned savings: What will happen to the dinar? Should we buy dollars? Should we buy gold? Should we buy other currencies? Or should we invest in another safe haven, such as real estate?

I believe the Central Bank of Jordan and the government's economic team should explain directly and transparently to the public the question: Why did the Central Bank sell three tons of gold, as reported in reliable international financial publications?

In my opinion, this is not of major significance to the dinar's status, as the process involved exchanging one balance for another. The fundamental fact is that the Central Bank has more than $20 billion in foreign currency reserves, sufficient by all standards to protect the dinar's exchange rate and maintain its stability.

Others fear for the dinar, which is pegged to the dollar, from a decline in the value of the US currency, which has clearly declined since Trump declared his trade war through tariffs on the world on March 4 of this year. This has led to a decline in the dollar's exchange rate against the euro, the British pound, the Japanese yen, and the Swiss franc over the past week. Many Jordanians have asked: What should we do? The answer I have is one: the vast majority of our income is in dollars, and most of our foreign bills are paid in dollars. Currencies will remain susceptible to fluctuations around their original exchange rate. We have no interest in taking the risk of using the dollar exchange rate as a tool for monetary policy. The easiest way is to increase our dollar holdings, because despite all the talk about the beginning of the decline of the SWIFT payment system and the use of the dollar as an international exchange currency, this will not happen now in a significant way, but rather in the not-so-distant future.

Jordan's economic officials must strive to increase national production, develop human capital, and explore avenues for reducing Jordan's imports of goods and services and maximizing exportable goods. Positive steps are being taken in this direction by ministries such as agriculture, the digital economy, and youth and women's empowerment. The Ministry of Labor, in particular, and the government in general, are also making informed efforts to expand employment opportunities for Jordanian workers.

Amid developments in the Palestinian landscape and growing talk in political and media circles about post-President Mahmoud Abbas arrangements, the idea of appointing a vice president has resurfaced as a step described as "preliminary" to the political transition. This move, however, is not based on an explicit provision in the Palestinian Basic Law. Rather, it is being promoted as a way to pass it through the PLO Central Council through a temporary amendment to the law that would allow the president to appoint a vice president.

Despite the absence of any official announcement on this matter, the momentum of press leaks and regional and international diplomatic activity makes this hypothesis worthy of further study and analysis, particularly given the critical timing facing the Palestinian cause following the aggression on Gaza and the international community's preoccupation with the "post-war" agenda.

First: Backgrounds of the movement

Multiple data indicate that the US administration, with the active participation of some regional parties, is pushing for transitional arrangements within the Palestinian political system, beginning with the appointment of a vice president and later complemented by broader changes within a vision presented under the title of "institutional reform" and the reinstatement of those dismissed from the Fatah movement.

The apparent and confirmed goal is to prepare for the post-Abbas era, but the real essence revolves around reshaping the Palestinian leadership to align with international agendas that seek to subjugate Palestinian decision-making and link it to the so-called "regional solution arrangements."

External pressures have shown clear ill intentions through unacceptable political conditions, including:

• Demand to stop the salaries of prisoners and martyrs’ families.

• Amending Palestinian curricula under the pretext of “incitement.”

• Recognizing Israel as a “Jewish” state.

• Refraining from taking legal action against the occupation in international forums.

Despite all these demands, no political or national price has been offered to the Palestinians in return. There is no talk of an independent Palestinian state, nor even tangible economic support. Rather, everything being proposed falls under the rubric of "political domestication," dismantling the elements of Palestinian national strength and identity, ultimately leading to the liquidation of the Palestinian cause, not its resolution.

Second: Appointment scenarios

1. Imposing a deputy through external consensus and internal pressure

In this scenario, the articles of the Basic Law would be amended by the Central Council, granting the president the authority to appoint a deputy. A candidate would then be chosen who enjoys external support, particularly from the United States, and who meets Israeli conditions, even if he or she does not enjoy popular or Fatah support.

This scenario is the most dangerous because it overrides the will of the people, Fatah institutions, and the PLO, opens the door to further division and loss of confidence in the leadership, and transforms the presidency into a tool for implementing external choices that do not reflect the national interest.

2. Fatah National Consensus Scenario

In this option, the idea is presented to Fatah's Central Committee and Revolutionary Council institutions, in parallel with dialogue with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) factions. A national mechanism is agreed upon to select a representative who represents a minimum level of consensus and enjoys popular and organizational acceptance.

This scenario is the best for Palestinians because it keeps decision-making within the national fold, strengthens legitimacy, prevents falling into the trap of external dictates, and protects the national movement from division or questioning at a sensitive stage.

3. Symbolic or formal appointment

In this scenario, a deputy is appointed with limited powers but no real role, and real power remains with the president. The goal may be simply to appease external influence, with no real intention of preparing for an orderly transition.

But this scenario does not offer a real solution. Rather, it exacerbates the ambiguity and postpones the crisis to a more dangerous moment, perhaps the moment of the president's sudden absence, which would herald political and constitutional chaos that would be difficult to contain later.

4. Succession scenario under presidential decree

According to the presidential decree issued on November 27, 2024, the Speaker of the National Council shall assume the duties of the presidency temporarily if the position becomes vacant, pending elections. This amendment abolishes the previous legal provision granting this task to the Speaker of the Legislative Council in the event of a Palestinian Legislative Council being inactive. This is a good and acceptable scenario, harmless and popular.

Third: Is there an intention to remove the president?

Despite the Fatah movement and other factions' support for President Mahmoud Abbas's insistence on holding his position and his declared rejection of any attempt to remove him except through the ballot box, the acceleration of external movements and attempts to impose a new reality raise legitimate questions about whether the expected appointment of a vice president is a prelude to the president's removal, whether through direct pressure or through internal preparations leading to his removal under the guise of "health conditions" or a "smooth transition."

Even if this scenario is immoral from a political and national perspective, it is not unlikely within the context drawn up by some international parties that want to re-engineer the Palestinian regime to serve their own projects and not the interests of the Palestinian people. We may find Palestinian figures cooperating in this, but our people will bring it down and the reactions will be unpredictable.

Recommendations

In light of the above, the recommendations that can be made to President Mahmoud Abbas, who has always adhered to principles and rejected humiliating pressures, are:

1. Not submitting to external blackmail, regardless of its form or size, and refusing to turn national demands into a bargaining chip in the hands of parties that do not respect Palestinian rights.

2. The decision to appoint a vice president shall not be taken except through internal Fatah and factional consensus, passed through the movement's institutions and the Palestine Liberation Organization, and accepted by the Palestinian street.

3. Protecting the national project from domestication and liquidation projects that hide behind slogans of “reform,” while their true goal is to dismantle the national identity and liquidate established rights.

4. Calling on Fatah and PLO institutions to convene immediately to discuss mechanisms for strengthening internal unity and outlining the next phase within a purely Palestinian vision.

5. The President must scrutinize all names and ensure that these figures are not part of a regional American conspiracy. The President bears primary and full responsibility if this happens.

A position that makes history

President Mahmoud Abbas said it clearly: "I will not end my life as a traitor."

The challenge today is at its highest. What is required is a national stance that will be inscribed in the Palestinian honor roll, in which the president upholds legitimacy, rejects the imposition of a vice president without the consensus of the Fatah movement and the PLO factions, and blocks attempts to tame and reengineer Palestinian decision-making under pressure and blackmail.

The president who has withstood occupation and pressure for decades can only be expected today to continue on the same path and close the door to any external infiltration or compromise on the principles.

Time is decisive and every passing moment will be recorded... either as an honorable moment or an unforgivable blunder.

In the long history of Palestine, "liberation" was the dream, the camp a mere waiting station, and death "glory" if it came for the sake of the land. But in Gaza, after eighteen months of war of extermination, the equation has changed. The terms have been reversed. The priorities have shifted.

People no longer talk about liberating Jerusalem, or returning to Haifa and Jaffa. They no longer even ask about the future of the state or the national project. The question today is simpler and more cruel: "Will we survive until tomorrow?"

In the streets of displacement camps, in the dilapidated alleys, and among the tents crowded along the border, you hear no talk of politics, geography, or negotiation maps. You only hear: "Did a flour truck come in?" "Where is the water?" "Is there any medicine left for my son?" and "Who died this morning?"

People not only lost their homes, their bodies, and their children, but they also lost the language that had always given meaning to death.

Even hope was eroded, they became afraid of the night, of hunger, of the darkness, of the bombing, of time itself.

The worst thing about a disaster is that when a person is exhausted from persevering, he begins to accept anything that will keep him alive, even if it is a humiliating truce, an incomplete settlement, or promises without guarantees.

In Gaza today, people are not seeking liberation, not because they have abandoned their cause, but because they are struggling for survival. Liberation has become an intellectual luxury postponed in the face of famine, blood, darkness, and slow death.

When the will to survive is broken

This is the real danger: that the people will be broken from within, that the new generation will be raised on fear, not dignity, on silence, not struggle. This is more dangerous than bombs, and harsher than a siege.

The occupation knows this, and therefore does not mind prolonging the war. It is not only seeking a military victory, but also a complete psychological defeat, one that will turn "liberation" into a distant memory and resistance into a strange phrase on everyone's lips.

The people of Gaza now want a "survival ticket," whatever its form and whatever its cost. They just want to live, to eat, to escape the curse of this defeated Arab era.

But it is dangerous to build a national project on the ruins of fear, or on the ashes of pain.

Therefore, the big question must be asked:

When will the killing stop, so that we can regain the ability to dream again?!

It is clear that the second round of negotiations, whose location was decided in Rome, with Omani mediation next Saturday, will be a difficult round of negotiations, open to many hypotheses, especially since Washington will insist on achieving gains beyond what was included in the 2015 agreement to justify President Donald Trump’s withdrawal from that agreement and to claim that he achieved a better agreement than the one achieved by the duo Barack Obama and Joe Biden. Meanwhile, Tehran, which says that President Trump’s withdrawal from the agreement is a precedent that requires caution against the possibility of repeating it with him or another president, will not accept a second withdrawal. It has destroyed nuclear facilities, damaged advanced centrifuges, and disposed of a stockpile of enriched uranium.

From this perspective, officials in Washington and Tehran continue to prepare their documents for the second round of negotiations. Statements issued by senior leaders in both countries coincide with their affirmation of their willingness to deal with the facts that will emerge during the negotiations, avoiding optimistic or pessimistic expectations, and remaining open to all possibilities, including the possibility of the negotiations failing. This, despite the apparent agreement to limit the negotiations to the nuclear issue from a specific angle: guarantees that Iran will not possess a nuclear weapon. Some who followed the negotiations for the first agreement in 2015 say that the guarantees to be negotiated cover all aspects of Iran's nuclear and military programs.

The negotiations will continue indirectly, before moving to direct dialogue, if the broad differences between the two parties are overcome and resolved. Tehran is comfortable with what Trump said, that the negotiation process is limited to its possession of nuclear weapons, and that the matter is easy and will be accomplished. However, he did not abandon the language of threats, as he said that the failure of the negotiations means the military bombing of Iranian nuclear facilities.

Before negotiations move from indirect to direct, there are issues that may require ten rounds of negotiations, or more, to be resolved. These include the level of uranium enrichment, the storage and quantity of enriched uranium, highly enriched centrifuges, heavy water reactors, inspections of Iranian nuclear and military facilities, and perhaps inspections of Iranian missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads. These are major contentious issues between the two sides, and America insists on taking tough positions on them, while Tehran rejects some of them completely and rejects others partially, accepting modified formulas around them.

Trump therefore wants to avoid regional tensions so that he can defuse an Iranian-American confrontation that would destroy his projects and plans for war against Beijing. He believes that there should be a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip, which would directly lead to the cessation of the Yemeni support front, which is costly to America and depletes its strategic stockpile of American B-52 bombers, which he would use against China if it took over Taiwan. It realizes that a war on Iran means closing global trade routes, raising oil prices, halting energy supply chains, and having widespread repercussions on the global economy and global stock markets, not to mention the American military presence and military bases in the region that would be targeted by the Iranian army.

There are those in Israel who still hope that Trump will later use his devastating war on Yemen as a model for what he could do to Iran, more forcefully and more broadly, if it refuses to comply with his many stringent demands. How? By shifting from the defensive response strategy pursued by former President Joe Biden's administration to an offensive deterrence strategy. Isn't this the implication of what Trump and his aides threatened Iran with on the eve of the start of negotiations in Oman? Furthermore, there is another question: What do Washington and Tehran want in the negotiations? Trump wants to prevent Iran from possessing a nuclear weapon. Tehran wants the negotiations to be limited to discussing the nuclear issue alone, but it is clear from the statements of the US president and his aides that Washington seeks to expand the scope of the negotiations to include, in addition to the nuclear issue, Iran's policy in the region, particularly its support for the Houthis in Yemen and its program to build and develop long-range ballistic missiles.

The thorn in the negotiations is Iran's program to build and develop ballistic missiles, which are more dangerous to Israel (and perhaps to the United States as well) than its nuclear program. Tehran's (presumed) success in manufacturing a nuclear bomb would not prompt it to use them in war for three significant reasons:

First, because Supreme Leader Imam Ali Khamenei has issued a fatwa prohibiting their manufacture or use, since the severe lethality and indiscriminate destruction they would cause are morally and religiously prohibited. Arabs, both Muslims and Christians, who inhabit the Zionist entity that has existed since 1948, as well as the rest of the occupied Palestinian territories, would certainly suffer enormous human and urban damage if nuclear weapons were used.

Second, because the use of nuclear weapons causes serious harm and damage to both warring parties that use them, which greatly limits its legitimacy and effectiveness.

Third, because the United States is far more powerful than Iran in nuclear weapons, which inflicts immeasurable damage on Iran compared to the United States, what need or purpose remains for using this deadly weapon?

In short, the Iranian-American negotiations have not yet settled their chances of success or failure. However, it is clear that the dreams of Netanyahu and some of the collapsed and normalizing Arabs have not been fulfilled by destroying the Iranian nuclear program in the Libyan manner, destruction under American supervision. This is despite the fact that Trump has not dropped the military option in the event of failure, responding to the hardline and pro-Zionist current in his administration, that there will be no leniency or laxity in the negotiations with Tehran.

However, indicators suggest that the second round of negotiations will be fraught with complications and will face failure. The US is filling Israel's weapons stores via air and sea bridges with heat-seeking missiles that protect aircraft from being hit by shoulder-fired missiles, as well as the THAAD system, which protects the skies from ballistic and hypersonic missiles. Israel has also been supplied with guided bombs and bunker-busting bombs weighing one ton and a half, as well as large quantities of artillery and tank ammunition. This means that war with Iran is approaching. The statements of the US envoy and negotiator, Witkoff, in which he said that Iran must completely stop uranium enrichment, and not enrichment at low levels, indicate that the date of the major confrontation is approaching. Tehran responded to Witkoff's statements by saying that it will not stop the nuclear industry or uranium enrichment.

Berlin - A group of former German ambassadors to several Arab countries (Amman, Beirut, Damascus, Cairo, Nouakchott, and Ramallah—Brigitte Siefker, Christian Moch, Hans-Jörg Haber, and Christian Clages—wrote a joint article on their views of events in Gaza and their government's policy toward Israel.

The article published by the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, one of the largest and most widely circulated German newspapers, on April 17, 2025, was titled:

The situation in Gaza cannot continue like this. "Neither Netanyahu nor German politicians are above the law."

Looking at what is happening in Gaza is disturbing. The Hamas massacre on October 7, 2023, which left approximately 1,200 dead and 250 hostages kidnapped, shocked Israel to this day and shook us all. The Israeli response brought about the deaths of tens of thousands of people, infected entire generations with hatred, and caused grave damage to Israel's security interests. This situation and Germany's official position on it worry not only us, the authors of the article, but also, as we know from numerous conversations, many officials in the German government.

We Germans, because of the burden of the Holocaust, bear a moral responsibility, both to Israel in particular and to humanity as a whole. Our ambition should therefore be to simultaneously defend and oppose any harm to both. This applies to Hamas, but also to the current Israeli government, whose unconditional support is a misunderstood friendship that ignores important segments of Israeli society.

Our commitment must be directed toward resolving the conflict, which is essential to Israel's long-term existence, as well as to the Palestinians who desire peace, and who already exist. Too often, prejudice prevents us from recognizing Palestinians as a diverse people, just like Israelis. The recent anti-Hamas protests in Gaza are a testament to this.

Given the lack of interest in many media outlets and the reluctance of our political elites to address the events in Gaza, extremist forces seized on the issue and filled it with anti-Semitic incitement. This would not have happened had the political public sphere enjoyed a clear discourse guided by international law—a discourse whose guiding framework was the Geneva Conventions and the Statute of the International Criminal Court.

Hamas has violated international humanitarian law and the laws of war by carrying out terrorist attacks, taking hostages, and bombing civilian targets in Israel. At the same time, Israel must accept the question of proportionality. Current figures indicate: more than 50,000 documented deaths, including 18,000 children; tens of thousands injured and permanently disabled; 20 hospitals and maternity clinics destroyed; food and medicine supplies blocked; children amputated and cesarean sections performed without anesthesia; more than 1,000 rescue workers and more than 200 journalists killed; churches, mosques, museums, and 90% of schools and universities destroyed; and the resulting devastating impact on Gaza's cultural identity.

The International Criminal Court considers the blocking of vital goods and medical supplies, as well as the wilful killings, sufficient grounds to classify them as war crimes and crimes against humanity. Accordingly, after careful examination, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Hamas leaders, as well as for Prime Minister Netanyahu and then-Defense Minister Galant. Seventy-seven international legal scholars from German-speaking countries expressed their support for this order. Neither Netanyahu nor German politicians are above the law. Thinking aloud about ways to circumvent the arrest warrant is unbecoming of a country such as Germany, a leader in international criminal law.

The conflict in the Middle East did not begin on October 7. For decades, we have watched Palestinians being oppressed, dispossessed, and killed by the Israeli military and settlers, and Israel occupying more and more land in violation of international law. We see all of this in stark contrast to our defense, in other instances, of international law and a principles-based global order.

In the International Court of Justice case brought by Gambia against Myanmar, the German government defended a broad interpretation of the crime of genocide; in the case brought by South Africa, it appears to be advocating the opposite, in favor of Israel.

While the German government has been vocal in condemning, for example, alleged crimes against humanity, occupation, and annexation in the context of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, it has been cautious when it comes to Israel. It is therefore not surprising that this exposes us to accusations of double standards.

The resumption of the war in Gaza in March, the military operation in the West Bank, Israel's actions in Lebanon and Syria, and Trump's plan for a Gaza Riviera all mean that this approach can no longer be continued, not even by Germany. We cannot continue to remain silent about the fact that life for Palestinians in Gaza has become unbearable.

We must support Israeli civil society while encouraging the formation of an effective Palestinian national unity government that enjoys domestic and international legitimacy and emerges from free elections.

The Oslo process and the two-state solution remain valid for this purpose. However, if Israel's refusal to end the occupation and dismantle settlements in the West Bank prevents this from being achieved, the only remaining option is a one-state solution, which requires Arabs and Jews to live together on an equal footing, if such a state is to be democratic.

It is perhaps counterproductive to reiterate our repetitive support for the two-state solution while at the same time giving an Israeli government carte blanche to undermine that solution.

The Israeli occupation forces continue their aggression on the city of Tulkarm and its camp for the 82nd consecutive day, and on the Nour Shams camp for the 69th day, amid an ongoing escalation on the ground, including raids, arrests, and abuse of citizens.

Local sources reported that occupation forces escalated their attacks last night and this morning on citizens and their homes in the city, its camps, and its suburbs, carrying out a series of raids and attacks in several areas, amid heavy gunfire and sound bombs.

In the center of Tulkarm city, occupation forces fired sound bombs at citizens in the areas of Martyr Thabet Thabet Square, Gamal Abdel Nasser Square, the vegetable market, the old Nablus garages, and the western neighborhood.

Israeli occupation forces forced shop owners to close their doors after raiding them, and detained two young men, Tariq Nasser Babaa and Khaled Jamal Al-Masry, in a shop in the western neighborhood, assaulting them.

Occupation armored vehicles also stormed the southern neighborhood of the city, coming from the direction of the Avnei Hefetz settlement, and headed towards Far'oun Street and Al-Salam Roundabout, heading towards the Artah suburb to the south.

In another development, occupation forces arrested Shaddai Hussein Ali Odeh "Al-Salman" after raiding his home in the southern neighborhood and assaulting him. He is a former detainee.

Infantry forces stormed the Dhenaba suburb, east of the city, and took up positions near the Attar platforms. They conducted extensive combing and search operations, while another infantry force deployed to the employee housing area in the Aktaba suburb, near the Nour Shams camp, where they proceeded to destroy surveillance cameras in citizens' homes.

Yesterday, the Iskan neighborhood witnessed raids on homes by occupation soldiers, who searched them, subjected residents to field investigations, and detained a number of young men for long hours, assaulting them with beatings.

Local sources reported that occupation soldiers stole sums of money and personal belongings from the home of Samir Khreiush in the Iskan neighborhood, including 35,000 shekels and 6,000 Jordanian dinars, in addition to cell phone chargers and perfume bottles. They also severely beat his son, Hani, and his nephew, Rashad Omar Khreiush.

In Nour Shams camp, occupation forces opened heavy fire on civilian homes in the Jabal al-Nasr area, destroying several surveillance cameras in the area. Meanwhile, the camp is witnessing a daily forced displacement campaign targeting residents of the Jabal al-Salihin and Jabal al-Nasr neighborhoods after raiding their homes.

Tulkarm camp is witnessing a heavy presence of occupation soldiers who have wreaked havoc and destroyed homes and their contents after raiding them, including those emptied of their residents after they were forcibly displaced. This coincided with the heavy firing of live ammunition and sound bombs, and bulldozing in the schools' neighborhood. They also arrested the young man, Ahmed Abdel Dayem, from inside the camp.

The occupation forces also continue to seize homes and residential buildings on Nablus Street and the adjacent northern neighborhood, forcing residents to evacuate them, while stationing their military vehicles and bulldozers in the vicinity.

The occupation's ongoing aggression and escalation against the city of Tulkarm and its two refugee camps resulted in the deaths of 13 citizens, including a child and two women, one of whom was eight months pregnant. Dozens more were injured and arrested.

It also resulted in the forced displacement of more than 4,000 families from the Tulkarm and Nur Shams camps, along with hundreds of citizens from the city's northern neighborhood after their homes were seized and a number of them converted into military barracks.

The aggression caused widespread destruction to infrastructure, including homes, shops, and vehicles, which were completely and partially demolished, burned, vandalized, looted, and stolen. 396 homes were completely destroyed and 2,573 partially destroyed in the Tulkarm and Nur Shams refugee camps, in addition to closing their entrances and alleys with earth mounds.