Gaza to where?

Since the Nakba and the emergence of the Palestinian cause and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Gaza has always been the national lever, which has paid a heavy price of sacrifices, to preserve the national identity from what it has been exposed to, and continues to be, from attempts to annex, obliterate, dissipate and liquidate. Here in Gaza and its camps, in 1955, the Palestinians destroyed the refugee resettlement project in Sinai, where the popular uprising was able to defy the curfew that had been imposed on the Strip, and the ruling Egyptian authorities were forced at the time to cancel their agreement with UNRWA, responding to the demands of the popular consensus uprising, which included Also, training and arming the Palestinian camps so that they can defend themselves, imposing compulsory conscription and forming a Palestinian national army, in addition to prosecuting those responsible for ordering the shooting of demonstrators and killing the martyr Hosni Bilal, as well as launching public freedoms, especially the freedom of assembly, expression and strike.

And here in Gaza, the armed resistance against the Israeli occupation army began a few days after the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip following the defeat of the Arabs in 1967.
And in the streets of the Gaza Strip camps, the public fedayeen phenomenon arose for many years in the seventies. Also here, the spark of the great popular uprising broke out in December 1987, spreading not only to the land of historic Palestine.

Will the governments of Israel, after that glorious history of our people, succeed in achieving their goals by transforming the division that was carefully planned to annihilate the national entity and the possibility of embodying an independent Palestinian state by separating the Strip from the West Bank, whose land is being violated by settlement?

The corresponding question is whether the Palestinian national movement, whose armed revolution since the Battle of Karama in 1968 was able to regain the initiative to lead the national struggle away from tutelage and annexation; Will it continue in a state of impotence, disintegration, and acceptance of the destructive state of polarization on both sides of the division, in a way that makes it objectively easier for the occupation government to pass its liquidation plans, which are no longer hidden and are proceeding in full swing to subjugate the two powers of division, and try to break the will of the people in confronting these plans?

At a time when Israel's attempts to reach a so-called long-term truce with the Hamas authority in the Gaza Strip are proceeding under the pressure of the siege and in return for measures of an economic nature to entice Hamas to perpetuate its rule over the Strip, and while the state of impotence and helplessness continues regarding what Israel is seeking to consolidate the security function of the Palestinian Authority. In exchange for measures to prevent its collapse, the donations of the Palestinian people that rise up in defense of Jerusalem and in order to end the occupation almost delegitimize their right to resistance, as was decided in the awareness of the popular consensus in the recent battles of Jenin camp and before that the old town of Nablus and many Palestinian areas, camps and towns throughout occupied West Bank.

It is true that the people of the Strip feel tired, and perhaps let down, from being left alone to face the results of the harsh and unjust Israeli blockade, under the guise of the divisive conflict run by Israel, and driven by the factional interests of those who dominate the divisive scene. However, who knows the history of the Struggle Strip and the stubbornness of its resistance since the Nakba under the banner of restoration The name of Palestine and the status of its cause, he must learn that history and review his accounts, just as he must deduce from the donations of Jerusalem and the resistance of Jenin, Nablus and other regions, and the accumulated awareness that almost heralds a new launch for a national movement with special comprehensive features, especially in light of the delusion of the government of Netanyahu Smotrich Ben Juffair, whose ambitions are not limited to mere annexation and the imposition of transitional cantons, but also aims at uprooting and ethnic cleansing according to the biblical law, which absolutely does not exclude our people in the Galilee, the Triangle and the Negev, and anyone who opposes its racist fundamentalist thought, including by some Israelis, in The context of its ambitions to return to the project of Greater Israel from the Nile to the Euphrates, which the rabbis of Israel are still calling for and dreaming of, as stated before the days of the extremist Jewish rabbi Eliezer Melamed regarding the borders of Israel, which, from his point of view, should extend from the Nile River in Egypt to the Euphrates in Iraq . .

Since I set foot on the land of the Strip two days ago, to hold youth meetings organized by the Land Center for Research and Studies, which also gave me an opportunity, and even a dream, to launch my book "Ghazawi... Narrative of Misery and Hope" first from the heart of Gaza, where the book recounts how I resisted the Nakba and rose towards the revolution. the uprising; My memory came back to me of how the Palestinian refugees made a horizon and hope out of the misery of life. Just as their ancestors dropped the settlement project, the eyes of the children of the camps, despite the misery surrounding them, radiate will and hope that the plans to isolate Gaza and separate it from the unifying national entity will not pass, and Gaza will remain, by the will of these young men, the heart of Palestine that beats with the right of return, just as Jerusalem beats And the Jenin camp and all parts of the West Bank, and even the Galilee, the Triangle and the Negev, are Palestinian and the Arabness of the place despite the complicity and betrayal.

On the thirtieth of this month, a recurring meeting of the so-called general secretaries who are polarized on both sides of the scene of division will convene in Cairo. Do they realize the magnitude of the risks to the cause of their people, just as accumulations are brewing in the folds of the popular confrontation of these dangers by which the Palestinian people rise to confront the conspiracy that only targets Filter everyone.

Perhaps a special responsibility rests with the Jihad movement, which has distanced itself from the struggle for power, to be aware of the content of the opportunity provided to it by the popular incubator throughout the country, and that it and the Popular Front not allow the failure of the opportunity that appears to be the last for such a meeting that loses Its credibility, and the national movement has lost its role in confronting the occupation under the dust of its battles over a power that no longer has a role other than merely remaining to protect the interests of the divisions at the expense of the people and their cause.

The jihad movement, which has fused with the pulse of the people who suffer daily from occupation and division, has the opportunity for it and the Popular Front to be their conscience without calculations, as it has always done, in order to come up with steps that restore the role of the renewed national movement in the people’s donations, and for the eroding political system at the level of the organization and the authority, its unparalleled health It is only doing unity and democracy to correct the national struggle under the leadership of the coalition Liberation Organization, and to strengthen the steadfastness of the people as a top priority for a transitional unity government. We are definitely on a date with a new birth; Either unity and urgent democracy, or a comprehensive popular movement that restores the issue and its position from the jaws of division and liquidation schemes.