Between Execution and the Execution Law

By: Issam Bakr Secretary of Foreign Relations and Media High Commission for Prisoners' Affairs and Liberated Detainees

The approval of the prisoners' execution law is expected after its ratification by the Knesset's General Assembly ("occupation parliament") in the coming days, following its passage in the preliminary and first readings, and the approval of the so-called National Security Committee. This comes amidst threats and warnings from the so-called Minister of National Security, Ben Gvir, who adopted the law after it was introduced by Knesset member Limor Ben Har-Melech from his own party (Jewish Power). This law officially allows for the execution of prisoners on the grounds of "carrying out acts" that led to the killing of "Jews."

In a simplified and concise manner, this law raises many questions in legal and political circles, with escalating warnings against its imminent implementation in a short period, amid escalating conditions inside prisons and the daily practices and violations committed by the occupying state, which constitute grave transgressions of the most basic provisions of international law and international humanitarian law.

Regarding this law, it does not require "wailing and lamenting," but rather much more than that. Over 28 months of genocide, specifically in the Gaza Strip, the occupying state has carried out extrajudicial executions, including 84 prisoners whose deaths have been confirmed, and the numbers are likely to rise much higher than what has been revealed. Other numbers remain undisclosed in secret prisons or in cases of enforced disappearance, without official disclosure, and require significant efforts to uncover them.

It is noteworthy in this context that the methodology of torture and ill-treatment leading to death has been expanded unprecedentedly in recent months. The death of this number of martyrs in a short period reveals only a small part of what is happening inside prisons, which have effectively turned into fields of daily execution, torture, and continuous abuse, with broad powers granted to prison administrations without any oversight, to practice policies of humiliation and relentless oppression.

Hence, framing execution with an official decision and legislating it raises a fundamental question: Why now? And why at this specific time? If executions were carried out previously, under what legal framework will they be included? And do they represent condemnations of the occupying state?

In this context, the war, i.e., the genocide in the Gaza Strip, and the world's preoccupation with the atrocities committed against unarmed civilians (about 300,000 martyrs and wounded), will be invoked. This provides a golden opportunity not only to escape punishment but also to approve more of these fascist laws.

According to numerous international reports, including the report of the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, international human rights organizations have firmly confirmed the commission of practices amounting to war crimes inside prisons and detention centers, including sexual assaults, beatings, torture, and ill-treatment, in addition to deliberate medical neglect and starvation. Not only that, but the lowest provisions of the 1949 Geneva Conventions and international charters have been violated, in a clear defiance of international will.

Therefore, without the need to approve the execution law, the documentation of the occupation authorities carrying out executions of citizens after their live arrest in many areas, or under the pretext of "unlawful combatant," before television screens in recent months, is a well-known fact that cannot be denied or overlooked.

However, what is new this time is that execution will be presented under a "legitimate" cover, meaning with a parliamentary and legislative system behind it, adopting it, and defending it before international bodies as "the implementation of a law against criminals," in an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of the entire Palestinian national struggle, even though this struggle is protected by international resolutions, the United Nations, and international legitimacy, within the right of peoples to defend themselves and liberate their occupied territories, in addition to their right to choose and practice various forms of struggle to achieve independence, self-determination, and national sovereignty.

As for this law, without delving into its flaws and provisions, or the official intent it carries to take the lives of prisoners, or even the details of the numbers it includes, or the deceptive time limits for objection, or the method of "fabricating" the presentation of the prisoner before courts and the judiciary involved in covering up many of the occupation's crimes, it came to achieve several goals.

Foremost among these goals are: striking the legitimacy of the national struggle, and creating an additional deterrent factor to limit it, similar to policies of house demolitions, collective punishments, closures, and other repressive tools. It also seeks to break the will of the Palestinian people with brute force, and to prove that the occupation is capable of carrying out executions, massacres, and displacement without regard for international laws or conventions.

Among its goals is also to cover up previous execution crimes, and to provide protection for soldiers and prison administrations, who may be included in international sanctions lists in the future, even if after some time.

It is perhaps only a few days separating us from the entry into force of this law, although it has already been applied to dozens of citizens before its approval, and its official implementation will not take long.

However, in return, it is now necessary to develop an effective, unified, comprehensive, and wide-ranging action plan at various levels, involving political forces, human rights, humanitarian, and civil society organizations, bodies and committees, in addition to embassies, representations, and missions, and to work on including it on the international agenda, as an anti-humanity law, amidst global preoccupation with the raging war in the region and escalating economic crises.

Despite all this, there remains an urgent need that compels everyone not to overlook this issue, which requires initiating a serious and persistent effort, official and popular, local and international, leading to a clear international stance that prevents the implementation of this law and forces the occupying state to stop it.

It is not limited to that, but also requires working to apply international law to hold the occupying power accountable for its crimes that do not lapse with time, and to open the file of executions and field assassinations, the series of killings, and the extermination of families, as happened in Tammoun a few days ago.

It is of utmost importance to launch a wide-ranging campaign at the level of international parliaments, to push them to take effective action to boycott the occupation Knesset under the far-right government, and to work on imposing deterrent international sanctions.

Without serious, balanced, and broad action, this law will remain subject to a fundamentally formal discussion, without significant objection, to be approved and become effective.

We do not want to see the bodies of prisoners hanging on gallows, but we want to see them among us, enjoying life among their families and loved ones, and embracing their children; for this is what the prisoner who spent his life clinging to the dream of independence and liberation awaits.