Frustration within "Israel".. Netanyahu's government lacks control over the implementation of the Gaza agreement.

While large sectors of Israelis believe that U.S. President Donald Trump's plan to stop the war presents an opportunity that emerged after two years of it, when both the occupation and Hamas realized that an agreement is better than the bloody stalemate, alongside the release of hostages, the plan itself contains weaknesses that may hinder its full implementation, and thus this rare opportunity could become another historical failure for the occupation.

Professor Eli Foudi, a professor of Islamic and Middle Eastern studies at the Hebrew University, and a member of the executive council of the "Mitvim" organization, as well as a member of the regional security alliance, mentioned that "after two years of Hamas's attack, an agreement was signed that could herald the beginning of a new era, resulting from the convergence of two issues: the first being the immense pressures exerted by Trump and his aides, through his allies, Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey, on Hamas, and the second being that both the occupation and Hamas reached a point known in international relations as 'mutually painful stalemate,' where they realized that an agreement is better than the current situation."

He added in an article published by Channel 12, translated by "Arabi21," that "Hamas, which has faced severe military strikes and lost most of its leadership in Gaza, received guarantees against the renewal of fighting; otherwise, it would not have agreed in advance to relinquish the hostage card, which keeps it a significant player in negotiations regarding the future of the sector and the Palestinian cause in general, and presents a victory in terms of awareness, demonstrating its resilience in battle, despite all odds, and even bringing the Palestinian cause back to the center of media attention."

He pointed out that "the occupation has achieved military successes on multiple fronts and inflicted severe damage on Hamas, but it has not been eliminated yet, and its leaders survived an assassination attempt in Doha. After two years of war, the army, which relies heavily on reserve soldiers, realized that it is being dragged into a war of attrition in Gaza, which may take a long time and result in many casualties. Additionally, the exhaustion of Israeli society from the war and the ongoing pressure from protests for the kidnapped has led to a sense of fatigue regarding military action and an understanding that time is not working in favor of the hostages."

He clarified that "Trump's plan offers a great opportunity for a solution, and through my research on the failures of the Arab-Israeli conflict, I discovered that the problem lies in the fact that every ideal opportunity is not actually exploited. There are many examples of failures: Reagan's plan in 1982; the Arab Peace Initiative in 2002; the Roadmap in 2003, and others. The problem with Trump's 20-point plan is that it consists of several plans or a single plan with multiple phases, without a detailed timeline or conditions for transitioning from one phase to another."

He noted that "the first phase is currently being completed, which includes the release of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners, and the provision of humanitarian aid. Changes have already been made to Trump's original plan in this phase, whether regarding the number of released prisoners or the army's withdrawal line. This phase is likely to end successfully, as its conditions have been acceptable to all parties from the beginning. However, alongside the joy that prevailed at the end of the war and the release of hostages, the continuation of negotiations regarding the subsequent phases poses complex problems."

He added that "the main issues awaiting the parties are the establishment of a temporary administration to govern Gaza responsible for implementing economic development plans. Names have been proposed for its leadership, such as former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who evokes hostility from both the Arab and Islamic sides, leading to the dismantling of Hamas, disarming the sector, the withdrawal of the army, and the entry of an Arab/international force. Thus, according to the writer, this is the critical phase in which the seriousness of all parties in adhering to the agreement will be tested, and each issue could potentially become a focal point for delaying negotiations, or even causing their explosion, although Hamas presents the agreement as a recipe to enhance its legitimacy in Palestinian society."

He concluded by saying that "the impact of the agreement on internal politics in the occupying state is very significant, as the implementation of the first phase of Trump's plan has created the first cracks in the right-wing government. It is expected that as negotiations progress, right-wing opposition will increase, threatening the government's survival. It is reasonable to assume that the end of the war and the return of the kidnapped will lead to increased demands for the establishment of an official investigation committee, and these demands, alongside the continuation of negotiations, will lead to progress in the elections."

This forward-looking reading of the agreement's outcomes in Gaza indicates that the Israeli vision relies on